注释2

第7章　动员劳动力

1“Fragen eines lesenden Arbeiters,” translated by M. Hamburger, Bertolt Brecht: Poems, 1913–1956, (New York and London: Methuen, 1976).

2For the quotation, see forum post by “The Longford,” March 9, 2009, http://www.skyscrapercity.com/showthread.php?t=823790, accessed March 8, 2013; Ellen Hootton’s case is documented in House of Commons Parliamentary Papers, First Report of the Central Board of His Majesty’s Commissioners for Inquiring into the Employment of Children in Factories, 1833, xx, D.i, 103–15. Her history has also been beautifully analyzed by Douglas A. Galbi, “Through the Eyes in the Storm: Aspects of the Personal History of Women Workers in the Industrial Revolution,” Social History 21, no. 2 (1996): 142–59.

3Maurice Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1964), 272–73.

4Mike Williams and Douglas A. Farnie, Cotton Mills in Greater Manchester (Preston, UK: Carnegie, 1992), 236; Stanley D. Chapman, The Early Factory Masters: The Transition to the Factory System in the Midlands Textile Industry (Newton Abbot, Devon, UK: David & Charles, 1967), 170.

5Leone Levi, “On the Cotton Trade and Manufacture, as Affected by the Civil War in America,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 26, no. 8 (March 1863): 26.

6Mary B. Rose, Networks and Business Values: The British and American Cotton Industries Since 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 30; Günter Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der Deutschen Baumwollindustrie im 19. Jahrhundert: Eine Historische Modellstudie zur Empirischen Wachstumsforschung” (PhD dissertation, University of Münster, 1973), 73; Gerhard Adelmann, “Zur regionalen Differenzierung der Baumwoll-und Seidenverarbeitung und der Textilen Spezialfertigungen Deutschlands, 1846–1907,” in Hans Pohl, ed., Gewerbe und Industrielandschaften vom Spätmittelalter bis ins 20. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1986), 293; Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte, vol. 2 (Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck, 1987), 92; Michel Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace, 1803–1939 (Strasbourg: Association des Publications près les Universités de Strasbourg, 1987), 89; Jean-François Bergier, Histoire économique de la Suisse(Lausanne: Payot, 1984), 192. Another source estimated the number of cotton workers in the United States in 1830 as 179,000. See Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, Cultivation, Manufacture and Foreign Trade of Cotton, March 4, 1836, Doc. No. 146, Treasury Department, House of Representatives, 24th Congress, 1st Session, in Levi Woodbury, Woodbury’s Tables and Notes on the Cultivation, Manufacture, and Foreign Trade of Cotton (Washington, DC: Printed by Blaire & Rives, 1836), 51. On Russia, see A. Khromov, Ekonomicheskoe razvitie Rossii v XIX-XX Vekah: 1800–1917 (Moscow: Gos. Izd. Politicheskoi Literatury, 1950), 32; Dave Pretty, “The Cotton Textile Industry in Russia and the Soviet Union,” in Lex Heerma van Voss, Els Hiemstra-Kuperus, and Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 1650–2000 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010), 425, 428; Michael Jansen, De industriële ontwikkeling in Nederland 1800–1850 (Amsterdam: NEHA, 1999), 149, 333–36; CBS, Volkstelling 1849, estimates by Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, correspondence with the author, October 29, 2013. For Spain see Angel Smith et al., “Spain,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 456; more than 90 percent of Spain’s cotton industry was located in Catalonia. J. K. J. Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization: Cotton in Barcelona, 1728–1832 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 262.

7See Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), 72; in chapter 6 Polanyi writes about land, labor, and money as fictitious commodities.

8As cited in E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Vintage, 1966), 190; see also S. D. Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1972), 53.

9Charles Tilly, “Did the Cake of Custom Break?” in John M. Merriman, ed., Consciousness and Class Experience in Nineteenth-Century Europe (New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1979); Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870–1914 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1976).

10Robert J. Steinfeld, Coercion, Contract, and Free Labor in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 20.

11Ibid., 47, 74–75, 317; “Gesetzesammlung für die Königlichen Preussischen Staaten, 1845,” as cited in ibid., 245.

12Marta Vicente, “Artisans and Work in a Barcelona Cotton Factory, 1770–1816,” International Review of Social History 45 (2000): 3, 4, 12, 13, 18.

13Employment Ledger for Dover Manufacturing Company, 1823–4 (Dover, NH), Dover-Cocheco Collection, Baker Library, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, MA.

14Benjamin Martin, The Agony of Modernization: Labor and Industrialization in Spain (Ithaca, NY: ILR Press, 1990), 21; Georg Meerwein, Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer bezw. Sächsischen Baumwollspinnerei von 1789–1879 (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1914), 21; Walter Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der Schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft im Rahmen der übrigen Industrien und Wirtschaftszweige (Zürich: Verlag Berichthaus, 1960), 220, 224, 227; L. Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry in France and the Anglo-French Treaty of Commerce of 1860,” Economic History Review 1, no. 2 (January 1928): 286; Robert Lévy, Histoire économique de l’industrie cotonnière en Alsace (Paris: F. Alcan, 1912), 1ff.; David Allen Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace, 1830–1945 (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2001), 56; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 259.

15Robert Marx Delson, “How Will We Get Our Workers? Ethnicity and Migration of Global Textile Workers,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 662, 665; G. Bischoff, “Guebwiller vers 1830: La vie économique et sociale d’une petite ville industrielle à la fin de la Restauration,” Annuaire de la Société d’Histoire des Régions de Thann–Guebwiller 7 (1965–1967): 64–74; Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk et al., “The Netherlands,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 383; Joel Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries, 1795–1850 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976), 38.

16Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der Schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 295, 298; Delson, “How Will We Get Our Workers?” 652–53, 666–67; Erik Amburger, Die Anwerbung ausländischer Fachkräfte für die Wirtschaft Russlands vom 15. bis ins 19. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1968), 147.

17Meeting of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1st February 1826, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1821–1827, Record Group M8, Box 2/1, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Gary Saxonhouse and Gavin Wright, “Two Forms of Cheap Labor in Textile History,” in Gary Saxonhouse and Gavin Wright, eds., Technique, Spirit and Form in the Making of the Modern Economies: Essays in Honor of William N. Parker (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, 1984), 7; Robert F. Dalzell, Enterprising Elite: The Boston Associates and the World They Made (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 33.

18For the information relating to the Dover Manufacturing Company see Payroll Account Books, 1823–1824, Dover Manufacturing Company, Dover, New Hampshire, in Cocheco Manufacturing Company Papers, Baker Library, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, MA; Barbara M. Tucker, Samuel Slater and the Origins of the American Textile Industry, 1790–1860 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984), 139.

19Carolyn Tuttle and Simone Wegge, “The Role of Child Labor in Industrialization” (presentation, Economic History Seminar, Harvard University, April 2004), 21, 49; McConnel & Kennedy Papers, MCK/4/51, John Rylands Library, Manchester.

20Terry Wyke, “Quarry Bank Mill, Styal, Cheschire,” Revealing Histories, Remembering Slavery, accessed July 21, 2012, http://www.revealinghistories.org.uk/how-did-money-from-slavery-help-develop-greater-manchester/places/quarry-bank-mill-styal-cheshire.html; Mary B. Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill: The Rise and Decline of a Family Firm, 1750–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 28, 31, 109–10; George Unwin, Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights: The Industrial Revolution at Stockport and Marple (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1924), 170–71; Edinburgh Review, or Critical Journal 61, no. 124 (July 1835): 464.

21Tuttle and Wegge, “The Role of Child Labor in Industrialization,” Table 1A, Table 2, Table 3a; Gerhard Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands und der westlichen Nachbarländer beim Übergang von der vorindustriellen zur frühindustriellen Zeit, 1750–1815 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2001), 96; M. V. Konotopov et al., Istoriia otechestvennoi tekstil’noi promyshlennosti (Moscow: Legprombytizdat, 1992), 97; Meerwein, Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer, 35; M. M. Gutiérrez, Comercio libre o funesta teoría de la libertad económica absoluta (Madrid: M. Calero, 1834); Wolfgang Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla (Mexiko) im 19. Jahrhundert” (PhD dissertation, University of Bonn, 1977), 279, 281; “Rapport de la commission chargée d’examiner la question relative à l’emploi des enfants dans les filatures de coton,” in Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse (1837), 482, 493; Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace, 54; Marjatta Rahikainen, Centuries of Child Labour: European Experiences from the Seventeenth to the Twentieth Century (Hampshire, UK: Ashgate 2004), 133.

22Maxine Berg, “What Difference Did Women’s Work Make to the Industrial Revolution?” in Pamela Sharpe, ed., Women’s Work: The English Experience, 1650–1914 (London: Arnold, 1998), 154, 158; Mary Jo Maynes, “Gender, Labor, and Globalization in Historical Perspective: European Spinsters in the International Textile Industry, 1750–1900,” Journal of Women’s History 15, no. 4 (Winter 2004): 56; Payroll Account Books, 1823–1824, Dover Manufacturing Company, Dover, New Hampshire, Cocheco Manufacturing Company Papers, Baker Library, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, MA; Janet Hunter and Helen Macnaughtan, “Gender and the Global Textile Industry,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 705.

23Hunter and Macnaughtan, “Gender and the Global Textile Industry,” 705; Maynes, “Gender, Labor, and Globalization in Historical Perspective,” 51, 54; William Rathbone VI to William Rathbone V, Baltimore, May 13, 1841, in Box IX.3.53–82, RP, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool; William Rathbone VI to William Rathbone V, Boston, June 18, 1841, in ibid.

24Hunter and Macnaughtan, “Gender and the Global Textile Industry,” 710, 715; Berg, “What Difference Did Women’s Work Make to the Industrial Revolution?” 154, 158, 168.

25Maynes, “Gender, Labor, and Globalization in Historical Perspective,” 55; Kenneth Pomeranz, “Cotton Textiles, Division of Labor and the Economic and Social Conditions of Women: A Preliminary Survey” (presentation, Conference 5: Cotton Textiles, Global Economic History Network, Osaka, December 2004), 20; Jack A. Goldstone, “Gender, Work, and Culture: Why the Industrial Revolution Came Early to England but Late to China,” Sociological Perspectives 39, no. 1 (Spring 1996): 1–21; Philip C. C. Huang, The Peasant Family and Rural Development in the Yangzi Delta, 1350–1988 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990), 91 and 110ff.

26J. Dhondt, “The Cotton Industry at Ghent During the French Regime,” in F. Crouzet, W. H. Chaloner, and W. M. Stern, eds., Essays in European Economic History, 1789–1914 (London: Edward Arnold, 1969), 21; Wallace Daniel, “Entrepreneurship and the Russian Textile Industry: From Peter the Great to Catherine the Great,” Russian Review 54 (January 1995): 7; I. D. Maulsby, Maryland General Assembly, Joint Committee on the Penitentiary, Testimony Taken Before the Joint Committee of the Legislature of Maryland, on the Penitentiary (Annapolis, 1837), 31; Rebecca McLennan, The Crisis of Imprisonment: Protest, Politics, and the Making of the American Penal State, 1776–1941 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 66; Dave Pretty, “The Cotton Textile Industry in Russia and the Soviet Union” (presentation, Textile Conference, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, November 2004), 7; M. L. Gavlin, Iz istorii rossiiskogo predprinimatel’stva: dinastiia Knopov: nauchno-analiticheskii obzor (Moscow: INION AN SSSR, 1995), 34–35; Wolfgang Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla (Mexiko) im 19. Jahrhundert,” 298–99; Max Hamburger, “Standortgeschichte der Deutschen Baumwoll-Industrie” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1911); Andrea Komlosy, “Austria and Czechoslavakia: The Habsburg Monarchy and Its Successor States,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 57.

27Delson, “How Will We Get Our Workers?” 657–58, 660; “In our country” cited in Stanley J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 51; Jacqueline Jones, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery to the Present (New York: Basic Books, 1985), 30–31.

28Delson, “How Will We Get Our Workers?” 655; Aleksei Viktorovich Koval’chuk, Manufakturnaia promyshlennost’ Moskvy vo vtoroi polovine XVIII veka: Tekstil’noe proizvodstvo (Moscow: Editorial URSS, 1999), 311. The general story of disciplining workers to factory labor is told most powerfully by E. P. Thompson, “Time, Work-Discipline and Industrial Capitalism,” Past and Present 38 (1967): 56–97; Time Book, Oldknow Papers, Record Group SO, Box 12/16, John Rylands Library, Manchester; Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 56.

29Dietrich Ebeling et al., Die deutsche Woll- und Baumwollindustrie presented at the International Textile History Conference, November 2004, 32. Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace, 59; Angel Smith et al., “Spain,” 460; Van Nederveen Meerkerk et al., “The Netherlands,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 385; see also the brilliant article by Marcel van der Linden, “Re-constructing the Origins of Modern Labor Management,” Labor History 51 (November 2010): 509–22.

30Ebeling et al., “The German Wool and Cotton Industry from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century,” 227; J. Norris to Robert Peel, Secretary of State, April 28, 1826, Manchester, Public Record Office, Home Office, Introduction of Power Looms: J. Norris, Manchester, enclosing a hand bill addressed to the COTTON SPINNERS of Manchester, 1826, May 6, HO 44/16, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Paul Huck, “Infant Mortality and Living Standards of English Workers During the Industrial Revolution,” Journal of Economic History 55, no. 3 (September 1995): 547. See also Simon Szreter and Graham Mooney, “Urbanization, Mortality, and the Standard of Living Debate: New Estimates of the Expectation of Life at Birth in Nineteenth-Century British Cities,” Economic History Review, New Series, 51, no. 1 (February 1998): 84–112; Hans-Joachim Voth, “The Longest Years: New Estimates of Labor Input in England, 1760–1830,” Journal of Economic History 61, no. 4 (December 2001): 1065–82, quote on 1065; Proceedings of 24 April 1822, 30 January 1823, 23 April 1825, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1821–1827, Record Group M8/2/1, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Seth Luther, Address to the Working Men of New England, on the State of Education, and on the Condition of the Producing Classes in Europe and America (New York: George H. Evans, 1833), 11.

31Jeff Horn, The Path Not Taken: French Industrialization in the Age of Revolution, 1750–1830 (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2006), 107, 109–10, 116, 120.

32H. A. Turner, Trade Union Growth Structure and Policy: A Comparative Study of the Cotton Unions (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1962), 385–86; Andrew Charlesworth et al., Atlas of Industrial Protest in Britain, 1750–1985 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), 42–46.

33Howard F. Cline, “The Aurora Yucateca and the Spirit of Enterprise in Yucatan, 1821–1847,” Hispanic American Historical Review 27, no. 1 (1947): 30; Max Lemmenmeier, “Heimgewerbliche Bevoölkerung und Fabrikarbeiterschaft in einem laöndlichen Industriegebiet der Ostschweiz (Oberes Glattal) 1750–1910,” in Karl Ditt and Sidney Pollard, eds., Von der Heimarbeit in die Fabrik: Industrialisierung und Arbeiterschaft in Leinen- und Baumwollregionen Westeuropas während des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts (Paderborn: F. Schöningh, 1992), 410, 428ff.; Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der Schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 295–96; Van Nederveen Meerkerk et al., “The Netherlands,” 386.

34John Holt, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Lancashire (Dublin: John Archer, 1795), 208.

35Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class; Horn, The Path Not Taken, 91, 95, 97–98. In France, one thousand out of twenty-five thousand water frames were destroyed; John Brown, A Memoir of Robert Blincoe, an Orphan Boy; Sent from the Workhouse of St. Pancras, London at Seven Years of Age to Endure the Horrors of a Cotton-Mill, Through His Infancy and Youth, with a Minute Detail of His Sufferings, Being the First Memoir of the Kind Published (Manchester: Printed for and Published by J. Doherty, 1832), 2.

36Turner, Trade Union Growth Structure and Policy, 382–85; W. Foster to Robert Peel, July 13, 1826, Manchester, Home Office, Introduction of Power Looms: J. Norris, Manchester, enclosing a hand bill addressed to the COTTON SPINNERS of Manchester, 1826, May 6, HO 44/16, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Aaron Brenner et al., eds., The Encyclopedia of Strikes in American History (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 2011), xvii; Mary H. Blewett, “USA: Shifting Landscapes of Class, Culture, Gender, Race and Protest in the American Northeast and South,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 536; Angel Smith et al., “Spain,” 457; Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France, 1830–1968 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 195; Hunter and Macnaughtan, “Gender and the Global Textile Industry,” 721.

37Steinfeld, Coercion, Contract, and Free Labor, 245, 319.

第8章　棉花全球化

1Beiblatt zu No. 6 of the Neue Bremer Zeitung, January 6, 1850, 1.

2Henry S. Young, Bygone Liverpool: Illustrated by Ninety-Seven Plates Reproduced from Original Paintings, Drawings, Manuscripts and Prints (Liverpool: H. Young, 1913), 36; James Stonehouse, Pictorial Liverpool: Its Annals, Commerce, Shipping, Institutions, Buildings, Sights, Excursions, &c. &c.: A New and Complete Hand-book for Resident, Visitor and Tourist (England: H. Lacey, 1844?), 143. In 1821, 3,381 ships arrived in the port. The Picture of Liverpool, or, Stranger’s Guide (Liverpool: Thomas Taylor, 1832), 31, 75. For a history of waterfront working-class activities, see Harold R. Hikins, Building the Union: Studies on the Growth of the Workers’ Movement, Merseyside, 1756–1967 (Liverpool: Toulouse Press for Liverpool Trades Council, 1973).

3Graeme J. Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool: Mercantile Business and the Making of a World Port (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000), 29; Captain James Brown to James Croft, New Orleans, March 16, 1844, in record group 387 MD, Letter book of Captain James Brown, 1843–1852, item 48, Shipping Records of the Brown Family, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Captain James Brown to James Croft, New Orleans, October 18, 1844, in ibid.; Captain James Brown to James Croft, New Orleans, March 16, 1844, in ibid.

4Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Including a History of the Liverpool Cotton Market and of the Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association (London: Effingham Wilson, 1886), 168–70, 172; Samuel Smith, My Life-Work (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1902), 16; Henry Smithers, Liverpool, Its Commerce, Statistics, and Institutions: With a History of the Cotton Trade (Liverpool: Thomas Kaye, 1825), 140; High Gawthrop, Fraser’s Guide to Liverpool (London: W. Kent and Co., 1855), 212.

5The art on page 202 is from Franklin Elmore Papers, Library of Congress (RASP Ser. C, Pt. 2, reel 3). Thanks to Susan O’Donovan for this source.

6Vincent Nolte, Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres or, Reminiscences of the Life of a Former Merchant (New York: Redfield, 1854), 278; De Bow’s Review 12 (February 1852): 123; Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 15 (1846): 537.

7John R. Killic 认为相对于棉花种植史，棉花的国际贸易方面几乎完全被无视. John R. Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown and Sons in the Deep South, 1820–1860,” Journal of Southern History 43 (May 1977): 169.

8See Robin Pearson and David Richardson, “Networks, Institutional Innovation and Atlantic Trade before 1800,” Business History 50, no. 6 (November 2008): 765; Annual Profit and Loss Accounts of John Tarleton, 920 TAR, Box 2, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Annual Profit and Loss Accounts of Messrs. Tarleton and Backhouse, 920 TAR, Box 5, in ibid.; Earle Collection, D/Earle/5/9, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool, 48.

9Edward Roger John Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 34, 90; J. Forbes Royle, On the Culture and Commerce of Cotton in India and Elsewhere: With an Account of the Experiments Made by the Hon. East India Company up to the Present Time (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1851), 80–81; Great Britain Board of Trade, Statistical Abstract for the United Kingdom, 1856–1870, 18th no. (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1871), 58–59; Jean Legoy, Le peuple du Havre et son histoire: Du négoce à l’industrie, 1800–1914, le cadre de vie (Saint-Etienne du Rouvray: EDIP, 1982), 256; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, Appendix: Table 2; 350,448 pounds is converted from 3,129 cwt (1 pound is equal to 112 cwt according to Elizabeth Boody Schumpeter, English Overseas Trade Statistics, 1697–1808 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 34. Also, to cite another example, the import of British-manufactured yarn and cloth into Calcutta increased by a factor of four in the seventeen years after 1834. See Imports of Cotton, Piece Goods, Twist and Yarn in Calcutta 1833/34 to 1850/51, in MSS Eur F 78/44, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Werner Baer, The Brazilian Economy: Growth and Development (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001), 17; Patrick Verley, “Exportations et croissance économique dans la France des Années 1860,” Annales 43 (1988): 80; Leone Levi, “On the Cotton Trade and Manufacture, as Affected by the Civil War in America,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 26, no. 8 (March 1863): 32; Stanley Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain: From the Industrial Revolution to World War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 6; Douglas A. Irwin, “Exports of Selected Commodities: 1790–1989,” Table Ee569–589, in Susan B. Carter et al., eds., Historical Statistics of the United States, Earliest Times to the Present: Millennial Edition (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Douglas A. Irwin, “Exports and Imports of Merchandise, Gold, and Silver: 1790–2002,” Table Ee362–375, in Carter et al., eds., Historical Statistics of the United States.

10Verley, “Exportations et croissance économique dans la France des Années 1860,” 80.

11Stanley Dumbell, “Early Liverpool Cotton Imports and the Organisation of the Cotton Market in the Eighteenth Century,” Economic Journal 33 (September 1923): 367; Stanley Dumbell, “The Cotton Market in 1799,” Economic Journal (January 1926): 141.

12Dumbell, “Early Liverpool Cotton Imports and the Organisation of the Cotton Market in the Eighteenth Century,” 369–70; Nigel Hall, “The Business Interests of Liverpool’s Cotton Brokers, c. 1800–1914,” Northern History 41 (September 2004): 339; Nigel Hall, “The Emergence of the Liverpool Raw Cotton Market, 1800–1850,” Northern History 38 (March 2001): 74, 75, 77; The Liverpool Trade Review 53 (October 1954), 318–19; Francis E. Hyde, Bradbury B. Parkinson, and Sheila Marriner, “The Cotton Broker and the Rise of the Liverpool Cotton Market,” Economic History Review 8 (1955): 76.

13Hall, “The Business Interests of Liverpool’s Cotton Brokers,” 339–43; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool, 124, 150; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 166–67, 171, 176, 200, 236, 257; Hyde et. al, “The Cotton Broker and the Rise of the Liverpool Cotton Market,” 76; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 175; Hall, “The Business Interests of Liverpool’s Cotton Brokers,” 340.

14Daily Purchases and Sales Book, 1814–1815, George Holt & Co., in Papers of John Aiton Todd, Record group MD 230:4, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 206.

15Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 206.

16Allston Hill Garside, Cotton Goes to Market: A Graphic Description of a Great Industry (New York: Stokes, 1935), 47, 51, 58; Dumbell, “The Cotton Market in 1799,” 147; Jacques Peuchet, Dictionnaire universel de la géographie commerçante, contenant tout ce qui a raport à la situation et à l’étendue de chaque état commerçant; aux productions de l’agriculture, et au commerce qui s’en fait; aux manufactures, pêches, mines, et au commerce qui se fait de leurs produits; aux lois, usages, tribunaux et administrations du commerce, vols. 1–5 (Paris: Chez Blanchon, 1799); for example see separate entries on Benin (vol. 2, p. 800), the United States (vol. 4, p. 16), and Saint Vincent (vol. 5, pp. 726–27). Even though Harold Woodman suggests that standards only came about after the 1870s, in the wake of the creation of cotton exchanges, such standards have a much longer history. Harold D. Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers: Financing and Marketing the Cotton Crop of the South, 1800–1925 (Columbus: University of South Carolina Press, 1990), xvii; Dumbell, “The Cotton Market in 1799,” 147. For the emergence of these categories in various markets see Arthur Harrison Cole, Wholesale Commodity Prices in the United States, 1700–1861 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1938), 110–343; The Tradesman, vol. 2, 182; The Colonial Journal 3, no. 5 (1817): 549; The London Magazine 1 (1820): 593; see also the important article by Philippe Minard, “Facing Uncertainty: Markets, Norms and Conventions in the Eighteenth Century,” in Perry Gauci, ed., Regulating the British Economy, 1660–1850 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011), 189–90.

17Carl Johannes Fuchs, “Die Organisation des Liverpoolers Baumwollhandels,” in Gustav Schmoller, ed., Jahrbuch für Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im deutschen Reich 14 (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1890), 111; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 272; Stephen M. Stigler, Statistics on the Table: The History of Statistical Concepts and Methods (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 364; Minute Book of Weekly Meetings, Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association, April 3, 1842, in record 380 COT, file 1/1, Papers of the Liverpool Cotton Association, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Minute Book of Weekly Meetings, Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association, February 18, 1842, in ibid.; Minute Book of Weekly Meetings, Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association, August 13, 1844, in ibid.; Minute Book of Weekly Meetings, Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association, October 23, 1846, in ibid. In 1857, the Bombay Cotton Dealers’ Managing Committee similarly distributed uniform, printed contracts, demanding the uniform packing of cotton bales, and settling conflicts by arbitration. The Bombay Cotton Dealers Managing Committee is cited in M. L. Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton (Bombay: East India Cotton Association, 1947), 63.

18Minutes of the meeting of the American Chamber of Commerce, Liverpool, October 14, 1848, in record 380 AME, vol. 2, American Chamber of Commerce Records, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers, xvii.

19Stanley Dumbell, “The Origin of Cotton Futures,” Economic Journal, Supplement (May 1827): 259–67; Fuchs, “Die Organisation des Liverpooles Baumwollhandels,” 115; Hall, “The Liverpool Cotton Market: Britain’s First Futures Market,” 102; Daily Purchases and Sales Book, 1814–1815, George Holt & Co., in Papers of John Aiton Todd, Record group MD 230:4, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool, 114, 260; “List of Liverpool cotton importers and brokers,” April 20, 1860, in Correspondence sent to Baring in London by the Baring firm in Liverpool, House Correspondence, 1 Jan.–19 Apr. 1860, ING Baring Archives, London; Kenneth J. Lipartito, “The New York Cotton Exchange and the Development of the Cotton Futures Market,” Business History Review 57 (Spring 1983): 51; Robert Lacombe, La Bourse de Commerce du Havre (Paris: Recueil Sirey, 1939), 3; Claudie Reinhart, “Les Reinhart: Une famille de négociants en coton et café au Havre, 1856–1963” (PhD dissertation, Sorbonne, 2005), 304; Smith, My Life-Work, 17.

20Dumbell, “The Origin of Cotton Futures,” 261.

21D. M. Williams, “Liverpool Merchants and the Cotton Trade, 1820–1850,” in J. R. Harris, ed., Liverpool and Merseyside: Essays in the Economic and Social History of the Port and Its Hinterland (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1969), 192.

22Hall, “The Business Interests of Liverpool’s Cotton Brokers,” 339; Dumbell, “Early Liverpool Cotton Imports and the Organisation of the Cotton Market,” 362–63; Hall, “The Emergence of the Liverpool Raw Cotton Market,” 69, 71; Williams, “Liverpool Merchants and the Cotton Trade,” 183; Universal British Directory of Trade, Commerce, and Manufacture, vol. 3 (London: n.p., 1790–94), 646; Francois Vigier, Change and Apathy: Liverpool and Manchester During the Industrial Revolution (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1970), 64; Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain, 83; Thomas Kaye, The Stranger in Liverpool: Or, an Historical and Descriptive View of the Town of Liverpool and Its Environs (Liverpool: T. Kaye, 1820), 33.

23Nigel Hall, “A ‘Quaker Confederation’? The Great Liverpool Cotton Speculation of 1825 Reconsidered,” Transactions of the Historical Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 151 (2002): 2; Williams, “Liverpool Merchants and the Cotton Trade,” 187–90; “Materials Concerning the Business Interests of James Stitt, Samuel Stitt and John J. Stitt,” folder 1, record D/B/115/1–4, Stitt Brothers Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool; Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown,” 171; Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain, 86.

24Williams, “Liverpool Merchants and the Cotton Trade,” 195; Sheila Marriner, Rathbones of Liverpool, 1845–1873 (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1961), xi, 14, 228–29. 有时候经纪人也会在卖方和买方之间调停; see Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers, 26. For the doctor’s income, see R. V. Jackson, “The Structure of Pay in Nineteenth-Century Britain,” Economic History Review, New Series, 40 (November 1987): 563; for the value of the profits in contemporary pounds, see Lawrence H. Officer and Samuel H. Williamson, “Five Ways to Compute the Relative Value of a U.K. Pound Amount, 1270 to Present,” Measuring Worth, http://www.measuringworth.com/ukcompare/, accessed August 9, 2012; R. G. Wilson and A. L. Mackley, “How Much Did the English Country House Cost to Build, 1660–1880?,” Economic History Review, New Series, 52 (August 1999): 446.

25Nolte, Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres, 275, 281; Ralph W. Hidy, The House of Baring in American Trade and Finance: English Merchant Bankers at Work, 1763–1861 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1949), 77, 89.

26Philip Ziegler, The Sixth Great Power: Baring, 1762–1929 (London: Collins, 1988), 130, 145; Hidy, The House of Baring, 107, 359, 361.

27Ziegler, The Sixth Great Power, 131; Hidy, The House of Baring, 3, 185, 298. For the quote see Baring Brothers Liverpool to Francis Baring, Liverpool, July 21, 1833, House Correspondence, record group HC3, file 35,1, in ING Baring Archive, London. For the importance of the Baring cotton operations see other letters in the same folder. For output per cotton plantation worker see David Elits, Economic Growth and the Ending of the Transatlantic Slave Trade (Oxford University Press, 1987), 287.

28Sam A. Mustafa, Merchants and Migrations: Germans and Americans in Connection, 1776–1835 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), 118; Ludwig Beutin, Von 3 Ballen zum Weltmarkt: Kleine Bremer Baumwollchronik 1788–1872 (Bremen: Verlag Franz Leuwer, 1934), 11, 16; Karl-Heinz Schildknecht, Bremer Baumwollbörse: Bremen und Baumwolle im Wandel der Zeiten (Bremen: Bremer Baumwollbörse, 1999), 8, 9; Friedrich Rauers, Bremer Handelsgeschichte im 19. Jahrhundert (Bremen: Franz Leuwer, 1913), 35–39.

29Beutin, Von 3 Ballen zum Weltmarkt, 20; Schiffsbuch “Albers,” in D. H. Wätjen & Co. Papers, record group 7, 2092, box 19, Staatsarchiv Bremen, Germany. See also records of the Ship Magdalena, from January 1, 1859, to Dec. 31, 1861, D. H. Wätjen & Co. Papers, record group 7,2092, box 20, Staatsarchiv Bremen.

30G. Weulersse, Le port du Havre (Paris: Dunod, 1921), 67; Legoy, Le peuple du Havre et son histoire, 217, 255, 257; Revue du Havre, 1850.

31New York Times, April 17, 1901; Legoy, Le peuple du Havre et son histoire, 217, 257; Reinhart, “Les Reinhart,” 26, 39, 41.

32Claude Malon, Jules Le Cesne: Député du Havre, 1818–1878 (Luneray: Editions Bertout, 1995), 11–12, 15, 24; Beutin, Von 3 Ballen zum Weltmarkt, 21.

33Alfred D. Chandler Jr., The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 29; Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain, 150; John Crosby Brown, A Hundred Years of Merchant Banking (New York: privately printed, 1909), 64, 184; Circular, Brown Brothers & Company, October 1825, as reprinted in Brown, A Hundred Years of Merchant Banking, 190; Circular by Brown Brothers, October 31, 1815, as reprinted in ibid., 191; John Killick, “Risk, Specialization, and Profit in the Mercantile Sector of the Nineteenth Century Cotton Trade: Alexander Brown and Sons, 1820–80,” Business History Review 16 (January 1974): 13.

34John A. Kouwenhoven, Partners in Banking: An Historical Portrait of a Great Private Bank, Brown Brothers Harriman & Co., 1818–1968 (Garden City. NY: Doubleday, 1967), 39, 43, 63, 70; Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown,” 173, 176–77, 179–80, 185; Brown, A Hundred Years of Merchant Banking, 255; Chandler, The Visible Hand, 29; Tim Schenk, “Business Is International: The Rise of the House of Brown, 1800–1866” (BA thesis, Columbia University, 1997), 30; Killick, “Risk, Specialization, and Profit,” 15. That $400,000 figure equals about $8.3 million in 2011. The prices for yachts and carriages in the 1830s are from Scott Derks and Tony Smith, The Value of a Dollar: Colonial Era to the Civil War, 1600–1865 (Millerton, NY: Grey House Publishing, 2005).

35Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown,” 183; Sven Beckert, The Monied Metropolis: New York City and the Consolidation of the American Bourgeoisie, 1850–1896 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 271.

36Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism: The Rise and Demise of the U.S. Ante-bellum Cotton Culture,” Theory and Society 20 (June 1991): 325–28; W. Nott & Co., New Orleans, November 26, 1829, to Thomas Baring, House Correspondence, HCV 5.7.17, ING Baring Archive, London. See also W. Nott to Thomas Baring, Private, New Orleans, August 25, 1830, ibid.; W. Nott to Thomas Baring, Private, New Orleans, August 25, 1830, in ibid.

37Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers, 99; Ziegler, The Sixth Great Power, 76, 150. Forstall was also the principal supporter of the journal The Southerner. E. J. Forstall to Baring Brothers London, New Orleans, February 19, 1848, House Correspondence, HC 5, 7.5, ING Baring Archive, London; Hidy, The House of Baring, 95–96; President of the Consolidated Association of Planters, April 7, 1829, New Orleans to Messrs Baring Brothers and Company, House Correspondence, HCV 5.7.17, ING Baring Archive, London; Edmond Forstall to Baring Brothers London, Liverpool, July 29, 1830, House Correspondence, HC 5, 7.5, ING Baring Archive, London.

38Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers, 8, 12, 13, 30; Chandler, The Visible Hand, 21; Joseph Holt Ingraham, The South-west: By a Yankee, vol. 2 (New York: Harper & Brothers 1835), 91.

39Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers, 34, 41, 53, 160; Chandler, The Visible Hand, 23.

40Smith, My Life-Work, 25; Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown,” 176; Jerrell H. Shofner, Daniel Ladd: Merchant Prince of Frontier Florida (Gainesville: University Presses of Florida, 1978), 2, 24, 35, 38, 44, 45, 53, 91, 88.

41Salomon Volkart to J. M. Grob, Winterthur, July 3, 1851, copy book, letters, vol. 1, Volkart Archive, Winterthur, Switzerland; record group 920 TAR, file 4, letters, Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool, 51; for Le Havre see Legoy, Le peuple du Havre et son histoire, 228; Weulersse, Le port du Havre, 86.

42Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown,” 186; Schenk, “Business Is International,” 31.

43Minutes of the meeting of the American Chamber of Commerce, Liverpool, August 9, 1843, in record 380 AME, vol. 2, American Chamber of Commerce Records, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool.

44Ibid.; Bonnie Martin, “Neighbor to Neighbor Capitalism: Local Credit Networks & the Mortgaging of Slaves,” in Sven Beckert and Seth Rockman, eds., Slavery’s Capitalism: A New History of American Economic Development (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming).

45Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool, 116; Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain, 101; Hamlin and Van Vechten, to Messrs. G. V. Robinson, New York, March 8, 1820, in Hamlin and Van Vechten Papers, Manuscript Division, New York Public Library, New York.

46Marika Vicziany, “Bombay Merchants and Structural Changes in the Export Community, 1850–1880,” in Clive Dewey and K. N. Chaudhuri, eds., Economy and Society: Essays in Indian Economic and Social History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 163–64; Jonathan Duncan to Earl of Worrington, Bombay, March 22, 1800, in Home Miscellaneous, vol. 471, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Letter to the Agricultural Horticultural Society of Bombay, as quoted in Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton, 33; Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton, 32.

47“Report on the Private trade between Europe, America and Bengal from 1st June 1776 to 31st May 1802, General Remarks,” in Bengal Commercial Reports, External, 1795–1802, record group P/174, vol. 13, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; “Report of Commercial Occurrences,” March 6, 1788, in Reports to the Governor General from the Board of Trade, 1789, in Home Misc, vol. 393, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; “Minutes of Proceedings, April 15, 1800,” in Minutes of Commercial Proceedings at Bombay Castle from April 15, 1800, to 31st December, 1800, Bombay Commercial Proceedings, record group P/414, vol. 66, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; B. K. Karanjia, Give Me a Bombay Merchant-Anytime: The Life of Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy, Bt., 1783, 1859 (Mumbai: University of Mumbai, 1998); List of Members, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1861–62 (Bombay: Chesson & Woodhall, 1862), 10–12; Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1846–47 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1847), 7.

48Walter R. Cassel, Cotton: An Account of Its Culture in the Bombay Presidency (Bombay: Bombay Education Society’s Press, 1862), 289, 292; Christof Dejung, “Netzwerke im Welthandel am Beispiel der Schweizer Handelsfirma Gebrüder Volkart, 1851–1930” (unpublished paper, in author’s possession), 5; John Richards to Baring Brothers London, Bombay, October 24, 1832, House Correspondence, HC 6.3, India and Indian Ocean, vol. 5, ING Baring Archive, London.

49H. V. Bowen, “British Exports of Raw Cotton from India to China During the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries,” in Giorgio Riello and Tirthankar Roy, eds., How India Clothed the World: The World of South Asian Textiles, 1500–1850 (Boston: Brill, 2009), 130; Elena Frangakis, “The Ottoman Port of Izmir in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries, 1695–1820,” Revue de L’Occident Musulman et de la Méditerranée 39 (1985): 149–62; Wolfgang Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla (Mexiko) im 19. Jahrhundert” (PhD dissertation, University of Bonn, 1977), 99–102.

50Johannes Niederer to Salomon Volkart, Batavia, December 20, 1854, typed copy in copy book, letters, vol. 1, Volkart Archive, Winterthur, Switzerland; Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain, 181, 185; Hall, “The Emergence of the Liverpool Raw Cotton Market,” 80; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool, 100; Alexander Brown to William Brown, October 27, 1819, reprinted in Brown, A Hundred Years of Merchant Banking, 68.

51Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain, 181, 183.

52See letters in RPXXIV.2.6., machine copies of William Rathone VI Correspondence in America, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool; Adam Hodgson to Rathbone, Hodgson, New York, November 2, 1819, in record group RP.XXIII.3.1–25, ibid.; Adam Hodgson to Messrs. Rathbone, Hodgson, & Co., New York, January 11, 1821, in record group XIII 3.20, ibid.; William Rathbone VI to William Rathbone V, New York, April 26, 1841, in record group RP.IX.3.53–82, ibid.; William Rathbone VI to William Rathbone V, Baltimore, May 13, 1841, in record group RP.IX.3.53–82, ibid.; machine copies of William Rathbone VI Correspondence in America, in record group RP.XXIV.2.6., ibid.; William Rathbone VI to Messrs. Hicks, New York, November 10, 1848, in record group RP.XXIV.2.4., ibid.; William Rathbone VI to Messrs. Rathbone, Baltimore, December 2, 1848, in record group RP.XXIV.2.4., ibid.

53Hidy, The House of Baring, 95, 174; House Correspondence, HC3.35,1, ING Baring Archive, London; Ziegler, The Sixth Great Power, 144; Malon, Jules Le Cesne, 17–18; William Rathbone to William Rathbone Jr., Liverpool, December 11, 1850, in record group RP.IX.4.1–22, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool; Adam Hodgson to Rathbone, Hodgson, & Co., September 27, 1820, in record group RP.XXIII.3.1–15, in ibid.; William Rathbone VI to Messrs. Rathbone, New York, March 3, 1849, in record group RP.XXIV.2.4, ibid.; Adam Hodgson to Messrs. Rathbone, Hodgson, & Co., New York, January 10, 1821, in record group XIII 3.18, in ibid.

54Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool, 154–55.

55Menge & Niemann, Hamburg, to Phelps, Dodge, Hamburg, July 14, 1841, in Phelps, Dodge Papers, Box 4, Folder July 1841, New York Public Library, Manuscripts and Archives Division, New York.

56Smith, My Life-Work, 30; Gisborne to Baring Brothers, Calcutta, August 7, 1846, House Correspondence, record group HC 6, file 3, ING Baring Archive, London; Shofner, Daniel Ladd, 37; Nolte, Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres, 275. See also one of Nolte’s circulars, for example dated New Orleans, March 23, 1839, in Brown Family Business Records, B 40 f5, John Carter Brown Library, Providence, Rhode Island. Thanks to Seth Rockman for bringing this document to my attention.

57Shofner, Daniel Ladd, 37; on the general question of how agricultural statistics came into being see Conrad Taeuber, “Internationally Comparable Statistics on Food and Agriculture,” Milbank Memorial Fund Quarterly 27 (July 1949): 299–313; see also Lettres des Indes etc. de 1844/45 écrites par F. C. Dollfus, à Jean Dollfus président du Comité pour l’Export des Tissus Imprimés d’Alsace, no call number, Archives du Musée de l’Impression sur Étoffes, Mulhouse, France.

58See for example sample books, vol. 1247 (1825) and 1239 (1819), in Archives du Musée de l’Impression sur Étoffes, Mulhouse, France.

59William Rathbone VI to Messrs. Rathbone, New York, January 8, 1849, in record group RP.XXIV.2.4., Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool.

60British Packet and Argentine News, August 4, 1826, and thereafter, in National Library of Argentina, Buenos Aires; Reinhart, “Les Reinhart,” 27; Bremer Handelsblatt, every issue; Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 12 (February 1845): 195; Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 14 (April 1846): 380.

61Asiatic Journal and Monthly Miscellany, Third Series, 2 (London: Wm. H. Allen & Co., 1844), 148, 156.

62Carl Johannes Fuchs, “Die Organisation des Liverpoolers Baumnwollhandels,” in Gustav Schmoller, ed., Jahrbuch fuer Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im deutschen Reich 14 (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1890), 112; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 180–81; Minute Book of Weekly Meetings, Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association, January 28, 1842, in record 380 COT, file 1/1, Papers of the Liverpool Cotton Association, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; R. Robson, “Raw Cotton Statistics,” Incorporated Statistician: The Journal of the Association of Incoroporated Statisticians 5 (April 1955): 191; André Corvisier, Histoire du Havre et de l’estuaire de la Seine (Toulouse: Privat, 1983), 164; Eugene W. Ridings, “Business Associationalism, the Legitimation of Enterprise, and the Emergence of a Business Elite in Nineteenth-Century Brazil,” Business History Review 63 (Winter 1989): 766–67; List of Members, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1861–62 (Bombay: Chesson & Woodhall, 1862), 10–12. For a detailed history of the political activities of Manchester merchants see Arthur Redford, Manchester Merchants and Foreign Trade, 1794–1858, vol. 1 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1934).

63Trust as a core prerequisite for the emergence of markets, and thus the dependence of markets on relationships not generated in the market itself, is also emphasized by Hartmut Berghoff, “Vertrauen als Ökonomische Schlüsselvariable: Zur Theorie des Vertrauens und der Geschichte seiner Privatwirtschaflichen Produktion,” in Karl-Peter Ellerbrook and Clemens Wischermann, eds., Die Wirtschaftsgeschichte vor der Herausforderung durch die New Institutional Economics (Dortmund: Gesellschaft für Westfälische Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 2004), 58–71; M. C. Casson, “An Economic Approach to Regional Business Networks,” in John F. Wilson and Andrew Popp, eds., Industrial Clusters and Regional Business Networks in England, 1750–1970 (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2003), 28; Olivier Pétré-Grenouilleau, “Les négoces Atlantique français: Anatomie d’ un capitalisme relationnel,” Dix-huitième Siècle 33 (2001): 38. See also Geoffrey Jones, “Multinational Trading Companies in History and Theory,” in Geoffrey Jones, ed., The Multinational Traders (London: Routledge, 1998), 5. For an important case study of Boston’s Perkins family see Rachel Van, “Free Trade and Family Values: Free Trade and the Development of American Capitalism in the 19th Century” (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 2011).

64Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 319; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool, 151.

65William Rathbone VI to William Rathbone V, New York, April 26, 1841, in record group RP.IX.3.53–82, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool; Adam Hodgson to Messrs. Rathbone, Hodgson & Co., New York, January 9, 1821, in record group XXIII 3/19, ibid.; Adam Hodgson to Messrs. Rathbone, Hodgson, & Co., New York, January 2, 1821, in record group XIII 3.17, ibid.; J. Anderegg, “Volkart Brothers, 1851–1976” (unpublished manuscript, Volkart Brothers Archives, Winterthur, Switzerland), vol. 1, 42; Salomon Volkart to “Freund Heitz,” Winterthur, February 3, 1851, Copy book, letters, vol. 1, in ibid.; John Richards to Baring Brothers London, Bombay October 24, 1832, House Correspondence, HC 6.3, India and Indian Ocean, vol. 5, in ING Baring Archive, London.

66William Rathbone IV to Joseph Reynolds Rathbone, June 25, 1805, in record group RP. IV.1.112–151, Rathbone Papers, University of Liverpool, Special Collections and Archives, Liverpool; William Rathbone IV to Joseph Reynolds Rathbone, Greenbank, December 3, 1807, in record group RP. IV.1.112–151, in ibid.; Brown, A Hundred Years of Merchant Banking, 262, 265; Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool, 152; Reinhart, “Les Reinhart,” 27, 30.

67Leoni M. Calvocoressi, “The House of Ralli Brothers,” handwritten manuscript, dated Chios 1852, in record group MS 23836, Guildhall Library, London.

68See Ralli Brothers Limited (n.p.: n.p., 1951), in Ralli Papers, Historical Materials of the Firm, record group MS 23836, Guildhall Library, London. On the Rallis see also Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain, 155.

69Ressat Kasaba, The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy: The Nineteenth Century (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 21; Alexander Kitroeff, The Greeks in Egypt, 1919–1937 (London: Ithaca Press, 1989), 1, 76, 82, 88; Christos Hadziiossif, “La colonie grecque en Égypte, 1833–1856” (PhD dissertation, Sorbonne, 1980), 118, 119.

70John Foster, “The Jewish Entrepreneur and the Family,” in Konrad Kwiet, ed., From the Emancipation to the Holocaust: Essays on Jewish Literature and History in Central Europe (Kensington: University of New South Wales, 1987), 25; Bill Williams, The Making of Manchester Jewry, 1740–1875 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1976), 17–19, 22, 34; Thomas Fowell Buxton recounts a story told to him by Nathan Rothschild in a letter to Miss Buxton, February 14, 1834, reprinted in Charles Buxton, ed., Memoirs of Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton (London: John Murray, 1952), 289; S. D. Chapman, “The Foundation of the English Rothschilds: N. M. Rothschild as a Textile Merchant,” Textile History 8 (1977): 101–2, 113; Niall Ferguson, The House of Rothschild: Money’s Prophets, 1798–1848 (New York: Viking, 1999), 53; Alexander Dietz, Frankfurter Handelsgeschichte (Glasshütten: Verlag Detlev Auvermann, 1970), 330–34.

71Anderegg, “Volkart Brothers, 1851–1976,” vol. 1, 23; Walter H. Rambousek, Armin Vogt, and Hans R. Volkart, Volkart: The History of a World Trading Company (Frankfurt: Insel Verlag, 1991), 41, 69, 72; on this point, see the excellent work by Christof Dejung, for example, Dejung, “Hierarchie und Netzwerk: Steuerungsformen im Welthandel am Beispiel der Schweizer Handelsfirma Gebrueder Volkart, ” in Hartmut Berghoof and Jörg Sydow, eds., Unternehmerische Netzwerke: Eine Historische Organisationsform mit Zukunft? (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2007), 71–96.

72E. Rathbone to William Rathbone Jr., Greenbank, 1850 (no date given), in record group RP.IX.4.1–22, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool; Reinhart, “Les Reinhart,” 43; Weulersse, Le port du Havre, 88.

73Smith, My Life-Work, 16.

74See also Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990–1990 (Cambridge, MA: Basil Blackwell, 1990).

75Milne, Trade and Traders in Mid-Victorian Liverpool, 66, 82; Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain, 103; Bremer Handelsblatt, 1851, 6, 7; Minutes of the Meeting of the American Chamber of Commerce, Liverpool, October 29, 1824, in record 380 AME, vol. 1, American Chamber of Commerce Records, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton, 31, 39; Woodman, King Cotton and His Retainers, 188; Legoy, Le peuple du Havre et son histoire, 226; Daniel Lord Jr., “Popular Principles Relating to the Law of Agency,” Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine 1, no. 4 (October 1839): 338.

76Lord, “Popular Principles Relating to the Law of Agency,” 338.

77Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton, 43–46; Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1850–51 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1851), 9. 将市场定义为机构有着悠久的历史; Gustav Schmoller and Werner Sombart said as much in the nineteenth century, as summarized in Geoffrey M. Hodgson, How Economics Forgot History: The Problem of Historical Specificity in Social Science (New York: Routledge, 2001), as did John A. Hobson, The Social Problem: Life and Work (New York: J. Pott and Company, 1902), 144; see also Douglass North, “Markets and Other Allocations Systems in History: The Challenge of Karl Polanyi,” Journal of European Economic History 6, no. 3 (1977): 710. Michel Callon has also argued that the state does not intervene in the market, but constitutes it; see “Introduction: The Embeddedness of Economic Markets in Economics,” in Michel Callon, ed., The Laws of the Markets (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers/Sociological Review, 1998), 40.

78Arthur Redford, Manchester Merchants and Foreign Trade, 1850–1939, vol. 2 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1956), 3–11; Minutes of the Meeting of October 22, 1821, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, record group M8, box 2/1, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Minutes of the Meeting of February, 27, 1822, ibid.; Minutes of the Meeting of April 24, 1822, ibid.; Fifth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures, Manchester, for the Year 1825 (Manchester: Robinson and Bent, 1825), 8; Tenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures, Manchester, for the Year 1830 (Manchester: Robinson and Bent, 1831), 4; Fifteenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures, Manchester, for the Year 1835 (Manchester: Henry Smith, 1836), 1; The Thirty-Sixth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester, for the Year 1856 (Manchester: James Collins, 1857), 10, 15; Legoy, Le peuple du Havre et son histoire, 226; John Benjamin Smith, “Reminiscences,” typescript, dated August 1913, in John Benjamin Smith Papers, record group MS Q, box 923.2.S 33, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester.

79Minutes of the Meeting of the Society of Merchants, August 19, 1794, in Papers of the Society of Merchants, record group M8, box 1/1, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Copy of the Minutes of the Deputation from the Manchester of Commerce, 1841, in John Benjamin Smith Papers, record group MS f, box 932.2.S338, Manchester Archives and Local Studies; Minutes of the Meeting of March 15, 1824, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, record group M8, box 2/1, Manchester Archives and Local Studies; Fifth Annual Report of the Board of Directors…for the Year 1825, 5, 22. See also Seventh Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures, Manchester, for the Year 1827 (Manchester: Robinson and Bent, 1827), 3; Eighth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures, Manchester, for the Year 1828 (Manchester: Robinson and Bent, 1829), 2; Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1821–1827, Record group M8, Box 2/1, Manchester Archives and Local Studies.

80Minutes of the Meeting of the Society of Merchants, February 27, 1794, in Papers of the Society of Merchants, record group M8, box 1/1, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Minutes of the Meeting of the Society of Merchants, March 5, 1795, in ibid.; Eighth Annual Report of the Board of Directors…for the Year 1828, 4; Address, London March 5, 1803, in Scrapbook of William Rathbone IV, in record group RP.4.17, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool.

81Report of the Proceeding of the Board of Directors of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce from the Time of Its Institution in the Year 1820 to the End of 1821 (Manchester: C. Wheeler and Son, 1821), 6, 9; Ninth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures, Manchester, for the Year 1829 (Manchester: Robinson and Bent, 1830), 5; The Thirty-Ninth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester, for the Year 1859 (Manchester: Cave and Sever, 1860), 19, 35; 关于经济思想会影响经济这一点比较相近的叙述, see Michel Callon, “Introduction: The Embeddedness of Economic Markets in Economics,” in Callon, ed., The Laws of the Markets, 2.

82Martin Murray to Baring Brothers London, Bombay, September 15, 1846, House Correspondence, HC 6.3, 9, in ING Baring Archive, London; Martin Murray to Baring Brothers London, Bombay, March 2, 1847, HC 6.3, 9, in ibid.; Hadziiossif, “La colonie grecque en Egypte,” 113; Ahmed Abdel-Rahim Mustafa, “The Breakdown of the Monopoly System in Egypt After 1840,” in Peter Malcom Holt, Political and Social Change in Modern Egypt: Historical Studies from the Ottoman Conquest to the United Arab Republic (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), 291, 293, 296; Kenneth Cuno, The Pasha’s Peasants: Land, Society, and Economy in Lower Egypt, 1740–1858 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 125; Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 37, 57, 65–66, 67, 77; Vicziany, “Bombay Merchants and Structural Changes in the Export Community,” 168, 170.

83This has been very well argued for the Italian case. See Enrico Dal Lago, Agrarian Elites: American Slaveholders and Southern Italian Landowners, 1815–1861 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005).

84Beckert, The Monied Metropolis, 26.

85John R. Killick, “Atlantic and Far Eastern Models in the Cotton Trade, 1818–1980,” University of Leeds School of Business and Economic Studies, Discussion Paper Series, June 1994, 1, 16; Killick, “The Cotton Operations of Alexander Brown,” 189, 191.

86Eugene W. Ridings Jr., “The Merchant Elite and the Development of Brazil: The Case of Bahia During the Empire,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 15 (August 1973): 336, 348; Stanley J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 6. The uniqueness of the United States in this regard is often overlooked, but emphasized to good effect by Robin Einhorn, “Slavery,” in Enterprise and Society 9 (September 2008): 498.

第9章　一场震荡世界的战争

1本章取材自 Sven Beckert, “Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the Worldwide Web of Cotton Production in the Age of the American Civil War,” American Historical Review 109 (Dec. 2004), 1405–38. J. B. Smith (Stockport) in Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, vol. 167, June 19, 1862 (London: Cornelius Buck, 1862), 754; Élisée Reclus, “Le coton et la crise américaine,” La Revue des Deux Mondes 37 (January 1865): 176. The global population estimate is for the year 1850 and from Part 1, Population Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Secretariat, The World at Six Billion (New York, 1999), 5, accessed February 14, 2013, http://www.un.org/esa/population/publications/sixbillion/sixbilpart1.pdf; Dwijendra Tripathi, “A Shot from Afar: India and the Failure of Confederate Diplomacy,” Indian Journal of American Studies 10, no. 2 (1980): 75; D. A. Farnie, The English Cotton Industry and the World Market, 1815–1896 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), 180; Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45, no. 5 (November 1861): 481; Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 44, no. 6 (June 1861): 676; Leone Levi, “On the Cotton Trade and Manufacture, as Affected by the Civil War in America,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 26, no. 8 (March 1863): 32; Elijah Helm, “The Cotton Trade of the United Kingdom, During the Seven Years, 1862–1868, as Compared with the Seven Years, 1855–1861; With Remarks on the Return of Factories Existing in 1868,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 32, no. 4 (December 1869): 429.

2Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45, no. 5 (November 1861), 480; Douglass C. North, The Economic Growth of the United States (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1961), 40. The value of all exports of “U.S. merchandise” in 1860 was $316 million, while raw cotton exports amounted to $192 million. See U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1975), 885, 899; The Economist, January 19, 1861, 58; M. K. Rozhkova, Ekonomicheskiie sviazi Rossii so Srednei Aziei: 40–60-e gody XIX veka (Moscow: Izd. Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1963), 61; “Vliyanie Amerikanskoi Voiny na Khlopchatobumazhnoe delo v Rossii” (The Effect of the American War on the Cotton Business in Russia), Moskva 25 (1867), January 25, 1867; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich, Erster Jahrgang, 1880 (Berlin: Puttkammer & Mühlbrecht, 1880), 87; U.S. Bureau of Statistics, Treasury Department, Cotton in Commerce, Statistics of United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Egypt and British India (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1895), 29; the French numbers are for 1859, see Claude Fohlen, L’industrie textile au temps du Second Empire (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1956), 284, 514; M. Gately, The Development of the Russian Cotton Textile Industry in the Pre-revolutionary Years, 1861–1913 (Ann Arbor, MI: Xerox University Microfilms, 1968), 45; on the importance of the United States to world cotton markets see Gavin Wright, “Cotton Competition and the Post-Bellum Recovery of the American South,” Journal of Economic History 34, no. 3 (1974): 610–35; Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy Since the Civil War (New York: Basic Books, 1986).

3The Economist, February 2, 1861, 117.

4John Greenleaf Whittier, “The Haschish,” John Greenleaf Whittier: Selected Poems, Brenda Wineapple, ed. (New York: Library of America, 2004), 43–44. Thanks to George Blaustein for bringing this poem to my attention.

5Herman Merivale, Lectures on Colonization and Colonies, Delivered Before the University of Oxford in 1839, 1840 & 1841 (London: Humphrey Milford, 1928), 301–2, 304–5; for a fascinating discussion of Merivale see Daniel Rood, “Herman Merivale’s Black Legend: Rethinking the Intellectual History of Free Trade Imperialism,” New West Indian Guide 80, no. 3–4 (2006): 163–89; see also Edward Atkinson, Cheap Cotton by Free Labor (Boston: A. Williams & Co., 1861), 4.

6This point is also made by Sugata Bose, “Introduction: Beyond the General and the Particular,” in Sugata Bose, ed., South Asia and World Capitalism (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990), 1–13; Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Aufstand in Indien (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1978), 270, originally published in 1853; Reclus, “Le coton,” 176, 187; Frank Lawrence Owsley and Harriet Chappell Owsley, King Cotton Diplomacy: Foreign Relations of the Confederate States of America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959), 19; De Bow’s Review 30, no. 1 (January 1861): 75–76; James Henry Hammond, “Speech on the Admission of Kansas, under the Lecompton Constitution, Delivered in the Senate of the United States, March 4, 1858,” in James Henry Hammond, Selections from the Letters and Speeches of the Hon. James H. Hammond of South Carolina (New York: n.p., 1866), 317.

7Leone Levi, “On the Cotton Trade and Manufacture, as Affected by the Civil War in America,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 26, no. 8 (March 1863): 37ff.; J. E. Horn, La crise cotonnière et les textiles indigènes (Paris: Dentu, 1863), 10.

8For “treacherous foundations” see Fifth Annual Report of the Cotton Supply Association (Manchester: John J. Sale, 1862), 5; for “not to be safely trusted,” see Cotton Supply Reporter (May 15, 1861): 497; see also Cotton Supply Reporter (January 2, 1860): 7; John Gunn Collins, Scinde & The Punjab: The Gems of India in Respect to Their Vast and Unparalleled Capabilities of Supplanting the Slave States of America in the Cotton Markets of the World, or, An Appeal to the English Nation on Behalf of Its Great Cotton Interest, Threatened with Inadequate Supplies of the Raw Material (Manchester: A. Ireland, 1858), 5; Louis Reybaud, Le coton: Son régime, ses problèmes, son influence en Europe (Paris: Michel Levy Frères, 1863), 383; for similar concerns see “Cotton Cultivation in India,” Calcutta Review 37, no. 73 (September 1861): 87; Jay Sexton, Debtor Diplomacy: Finance and American Foreign Relations in the Civil War Era, 1837–1873 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 75; Westminster and Foreign Quarterly Review: October, 1849–January, 1850 52 (London: George Luxford, 1852), 214.

9For this argument see chapters 3 and 4 in Sven Beckert, The Monied Metropolis: New York City and the Consolidation of the American Bourgeoisie, 1850–1896 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

10Quoted in Times of India, Overland Summary, March 12, 1863.

11Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 44, no. 6 (June 1861): 675; for Lieber see Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45, no. 5 (November 1861): 514; Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa: Introduction,” in Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1995), 7.

12Neil Ashcroft, “British Trade with the Confederacy and the Effectiveness of Union Maritime Strategy During the Civil War,” International Journal of Maritime History 10, no. 2 (December 1998), 155–76; Sam Negus, “‘The Once Proud Boast of the Englishman’: British Neutrality and the Civil War Blockade” (unpublished paper, Massachusetts School of Law, 2007, in author’s possession); on the “cotton famine” see also, among others, William Otto Henderson, The Lancashire Cotton Famine, 1861–65 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1934); Jahresbericht der Handelsund Gewerbekammer Chemnitz (1865), 6, as quoted in Michael Löffler, Preussens und Sachsens Beziehungen zu den USA während des Sezessionskrieges 1860–1865 (Münster: LIT, 1999), 302; Matthew B. Hammond, The Cotton Industry: An Essay in American Economic History (New York: Macmillan, 1897), Appendix. Even the Bradford worsted industry discontinued the use of now much more expensive cotton warp. See Mary H. Blewett, “The Dynamics of Labor Migration and Raw Material Acquisition in the Transatlantic Worsted Trade, 1830–1930,” in Donna R. Gabaccia and Dirk Hoerder, eds., Connecting Seas and Connected Ocean Rims: Indian, Atlantic, and Pacific Oceans and China Seas Migrations from the 1830s to the 1930s (Boston: Brill, 2011), 138–70.

13Liverpool Mercury, January 14, 1861, 2; Liverpool Mercury, July 1862; Löffler, Preussens, 194–255.

14尽管许多文献都强调1861年市场上棉花过剩，但 David g . Surdham 已经表明，欧洲的原棉库存并不特别大。1861年12月31日持有的存量相当于13.4周的工厂消耗量。See David G. Surdham, “King Cotton: Monarch or Pretender? The State of the Market for Raw Cotton on the Eve of the American Civil War,” Economic History Review 51 (1998): 113–32, esp. 119; on the glutted markets as a sign of crisis see for example Liverpool Mercury, October 6, 1863, 6; Farnie, English Cotton, 141–43; Moskva, February 1, 1867, the “organ of Moscow capitalists,” in V. Ya. Laverychev, Krupnaya Burzhuaziia V Poreformennoi Rossii: 1861–1900 (Moscow: Izd. Mysl’, 1974).

15Charles Francis Adams Jr. to Henry Adams, Quincy, Massachusetts, August 25, 1861, in Worthington Chauncey Ford, ed., A Cycle of Adams Letters, 1861–1865, vol. 1 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1920), 33; Nigel Hall, “The Liverpool Cotton Market and the American Civil War,” Northern History 34, no. 1 (1998): 154; Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 49, no. 6 (December 1863): 411; for the statistics see Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, Including a History of the Liverpool Cotton Market and of the Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association (London: Effingham Wilson, 1886), Appendix, Table 1; for the numbers see Liverpool Mercury, November 11, 1861, 3; Liverpool Mercury, February 22, 1864, 6; on the relief efforts in Lancashire see John Watts, The Facts of the Cotton Famine (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co., 1866); Liverpool Mercury, February 22, 1864, 6; Manchester Chamber of Commerce, The Forty-First Annual Report of the Board of Directors for the Year 1861 (Manchester: Cave & Server, 1862), 20; John O’Neil, diary entry, April 10, 1864, as cited in Rosalind Hall, “A Poor Cotton Weyver: Poverty and the Cotton Famine in Clitheroe,” Social History 28, no. 2 (May 2003): 243; “Memorial of the Unemployed Operatives of Stalybridge,” received February 23, 1863, in Various documents relating to the distress in the cotton manufacturing districts during the American Civil War, HO 45: 7523, Home Office, National Archives of the UK, Kew; “Facilities Required for Public Workers for the Employment of able-bodied Cotton Workmen at Ordinary Wages,” Minutes of the Central Executive Committee, May 25, 1863, in ibid.

16See Liverpool Mercury, March 25, 1863, 7; undated report, in various documents relating to the distress in the cotton manufacturing districts during the American Civil War, HO 45: 7523, Home Office, National Archives of the UK, Kew; William Rathbone to William Rathbone Jr., Green Bank, March 5, 1862, in letters of William Rathbone, RP.IX.4.1–22, Rathbone Papers, University of Liverpool, Special Collections and Archives, Liverpool; Times of India, Overland Summary, June 12, 1862, 2; see also Times of India, Overland Summary, September 27, 1862, 3, October 17, 1862, 3, October 27, 1862, 2. Indeed, by far the largest international contributions to the relief of the suffering of Lancashire workers came from Calcutta and Bombay respectively. See Watts, Facts, 164; Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, May 2, 1863, in MSS EUR F 78, LB 13, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; M. J. Mathieu, De la culture du coton dans la Guyane française (Epinal: Alexis Cabasse, 1861), 47.

17Arthur L. Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry in France and the Anglo-French Treaty of Commerce of 1860,” Economic History Review 1, no. 2 (January 1928): 292–94; Lynn M. Case, ed., French Opinion on the United States and Mexico, 1860–1867: Extracts from the Reports of the Procureurs Généraux (New York: D. Appleton-Century Company, 1936), 123–25; Thomas A. Sancton, “The Myth of French Worker Support for the North in the American Civil War,” French Historical Studies 11, no. 1 (1979): 59, 66; Claude Fohlen, “La guerre de sécession et le commerce franco-américain,” Revue d’Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine 8, no. 4 (October–December 1961), 259–70; Alphonse Cordier, La crise cotonnière dans la Seine-Inférieur, ses causes et ses effets (Rouen, 1864), 8; Claude Fohlen, L’industrie textile au temps du Second Empire (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1956), 257–62; Stephen McQueen Huntley, Les rapports de la France et la Confédération pendant la guerre de sécession (Toulouse: Imprimerie Regionale, 1932), 222; Mathieu, De la culture, 1; Harold Hyman, ed., Heard Round the World: The Impact Abroad of the Civil War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969), 132; on the social impact of the crisis in France see A. S. Ménier, Au profit des ouvriers cotoniers: Pétition au Sénat sur la détresse cotonnière (Paris: E. Dentu, 1863).

18Löffler, Preussens, 126, 147; Emerson David Fite, Social and Industrial Conditions in the North During the Civil War (New York: Macmillan, 1910), 84, 86; Gately, Development, 47. 进口到欧洲的棉花，其中大部分是从美国进口的，已经从将近250万磅下降到不到50万磅。Mariya Konstantinovna Rozhkova, Ekonomicheskiie sviazzi Rossii so Srednei Aziei, 40–60-e gody XIX veka (Moscow: Izd-vo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1963), 61–62; 据我所知，没有统计数字可以让我们确定美国棉花在这些出口中的确切百分比。然而，当时观察家们都同意，其中大部分来自美国——一个合理的估计是在80%到90%之间。Charles J. Sundell to William H. Seward, Stettin, May 15, 1863, Despatches from United States Consuls in Stettin, as quoted in Löffler, Preussens, 110.

19John Rankin, A History of Our Firm: Being Some Account of the Firm of Pollock, Gilmour and Co. and Its Offshoots and Connections, 1804–1920 (Liverpool: Henry Young & Sons, Limited, 1921), 157; Baring Brothers Liverpool to Baring Brothers London, August 24, 1863, in HC 3:35, Part 23, House Correspondence, Baring Brothers, ING Baring Archive, London. Baring Brothers & Co. was also the banker of the United States in London; see letter of Frederick William Seward to Thomas Haines Dudley, Washington, March 26, 1864, in Seward Papers, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, DC; Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 49, no. 5 (November 1863): 350; Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Council, 1863 (Liverpool: Benson and Holmes, 1863), 18; John D. Pelzer, “Liverpool and the American Civil War,” History Today 40, no. 3 (1990): 49; Hall, “Liverpool Cotton,” 161; Samuel Smith, My Life-Work (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1902), 34; Liverpool Mercury, January 6, 1862, 6; Lowell Daily Citizen and News, January 9, 1862.

20Quote from Times of India, October 6, 1863, 1; see also Times of India, Overland Summary, September 8, 1864, 2–3; Times of India Overland Summary reported negatively on the practice on September 29, 1863, 5–6; Pelzer, “Liverpool,” 52.

21Chamber de Commerce de Rouen, Délibération de la chambre sur la formation de la Compagnie française des cotons Algériens (Rouen: Ch.-F. Lapierre et Cie, 1862), 5, in F/80/737, Fonds Ministériels, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence, France; Pétition à Sa Majesté l’Empereur Napoléon III, au sujet de la culture du coton en Algérie, Senones, February 13, 1862, in ibid.; Bulletin de la Société industrielle de Mulhouse 32 (1862), 347, as quoted in Fohlen, L’industrie textile, 347–48; the Mulhouse Chamber of Commerce even created a commission to look into the possibility of growing cotton in Algeria; see Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse, vol. 32 (1862), 346; Antoine Herzog, L’Algérie et la crise cotonnière (Colmar: Ch. M. Hoffmann, 1864); letter to the editor in L’Industriel Alsacien, December 25, 1862; Antoine Herzog to La Majesté, l’Empereur des Française, January 6, 1863, in F/80/737, Fonds Ministériels, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence, France; p 来自许多其他棉花种植地区的陈情也纷纷上交到皇帝处; Pétition à Sa Majesté l’Empereur Napoléon III, au sujet de la culture du coton en Algérie, Senones, February 13, 1862, in F/80/737, Fonds Ministériels, Archives d’outre mer, Aix-en-Provence, France, contained in 15 cahiers, signed by manufacturers from all regions of France. For evidence on this pressure, see also at the same location letter of F. Engel-Dollfus, président de la commission d’encouragement à la culture du coton en Algérie, to Monsieur le Marechal Comte Randon Senateur, Ministre Secrétaire d’État au Departement de la Guerre, Mulhouse, April 8, 1862.

22Liverpool Mercury, August 12, 1862, 7. 人们普遍都非常关注这个问题；例如，1862年 Gladstone 收到 E. Tennyson 夫人的一封信，信中她叙述了一个精心设计的计划，在这个计划中，一个专门设立的基金将向制造商偿还不断上涨的原棉成本，以便他们能够继续雇用工人; see “Memorandum by Mrs. E. Tennyson to Gladstone related to the cotton famine,” in Add. 44399 f. 188, vol. 314, Gladstone Papers, British Library, London; Liverpool Mercury, January 22, 1861, 2; William Thayer to William H. Seward, London, July 11, 1862, private letter, U.S. Consulate, Alexandria, Despatches from U.S. Consuls in Alexandria, National Archives, Washington, DC; Löffler, Preussens, 111; see Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, vol. 171 (London: Cornelius Buck, 1863), 1771–840; Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, vol. 165 (London: Cornelius Buck, 1862), 1155–230.

23Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), 78; Henry John Temple, Lord Palmerston to John Russell, Broadlands, October 6, 1861, Box 21, 30/22, Lord John Russell Papers, National Archives of the UK, Kew; see the notes and reports, including report by unknown author, “Le coton à la côte occidentale d’Afrique,” n.d.; Note on Siam, n.d.; draft article, n.a., n.d., on “La culture du coton à la Guyana”; all in GEN 56/Folder 547, in Fonds Ministériels, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence, France.

24Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report, 21; for evidence of this pressure see also Manchester Chamber of Commerce, The Forty-Third Annual Report of the Board of Directors for the Year 1863 (Manchester: Cave & Server, 1866), 6; Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1858–1867, M8/2/6, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1859–60 (Bombay: Chesson & Woodhall, 1860), xxxiii; for earlier efforts to increase cotton production in India see Anti-Cant, India v. America: A Letter to the Chairman of the Hon. East India Company, On Cotton (London: Aylott & Jones, 1850); John Briggs, The Cotton Trade of India with a Map of India, Coloured to Indicate the Different Spots Whereon all the Varieties of Cotton which are Brought into the British Market have been Successfully Cultivated (London: John W. Parker, 1840); Chapman, The Cotton and Commerce of India; The Cotton Trade of India (London, 1839); Thomas Williamson, Two Letters on the Advantages of Railway Communication in Western India, Addressed to the Right Hon. Lord Wharncliffe, Chairman of the Great Indian Peninsula Railway Company (London: Richard & John E. Taylor, 1846); John Briggs, The Cotton Trade of India: Part I. Its Past and Present Condition; Part II. Its Future Prospects: with a Map of India(London: John W. Parkter, 1840); Walter R. Cassels, Cotton: An Account of Its Culture in the Bombay Presidency (Bombay: Bombay Education Society’s Press, 1862), 16–237; The Economist, February 2, 1861, 117.

25Potter is quoted in Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report, 21; for evidence of this pressure see also Manchester, Forty-Third Annual Report, 6; Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1858–1867, M8/2/6, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Reclus, “Le coton,” 202; the British East Indies took a full 30.83 percent of all piece goods exported from the United Kingdom in 1860; see Ellison, Cotton Trade, 64; James A. Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Its Rise, Progress and Present Extent (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1968), 112; for the quote from Nagpore see anonymous letter to the editor of the Englishman, Nagpore, July 31, 1861, reprinted in Times of India, August 21, 1861, 3; Charles Wood to Sir Frere, October 30, 1862, Letterbook, July 3 to December 31, 1862, MSS EUR LB 11, F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

26Cotton Supply Reporter (June 15, 1861): 532; Arthur W. Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton, 1847–1872 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1966), 187.

27For an account of the meeting see Liverpool Mercury, September 20, 1861, 7; see also Liverpool Mercury, September 23, 1861, 2; Charles Wood to Sir George Clerk, March 18, 1861, in MSS EUR F 78, LB 7, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Major E. K. Elliot, “Report Regarding the Cultivation of Cotton in Nagpore,” reprinted in Times of India, July 30, 1861, 3–4; “Cotton Cultivation in India,” Calcutta Review 37, no. 73 (September 1861): 89.

28论印度法律基础设施建设的总体思路, see the important work by Ritu Birla, Stages of Capital: Law, Culture, and Market Governance in Late Colonial India (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2009); on the contested history of law in colonial situations see the fabulous book by Lauren Benton, Law and Colonial Cultures: Legal Regimes in World History, 1400–1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002); as to crop liens see Charles Wood to William Maine, October 9, 1862, Letterbook, July 3 to December 31, 1862, MSS EUR LB 11, F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Charles Wood to William Maine, October 9, 1862, in ibid.; Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, September 23, 1861, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Record Group M8, folder 2/6, in Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; for the quote “making penal” see Charles Wood to W. J. P. Grant, May 9, 1861, in MSS EUR F 78, LB 7, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; for the efforts by manufacturers see Charles Wood to William Reeves, March 18, 1861, Letterbook, 18 March to 25 May, in ibid.; Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, October 25, 1862, Letterbook, 3 July to 31 December 1862, in MSS EUR LB 11, F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Letter from Messrs. Mosley and Hurst, Agents to the Cotton Supply Association, to W. Greq, Esq, Secretary to the Government of India, June 20, 1861, reprinted in Times of India, July 18, 1861, 3; Charles Wood to W. J. Grant, May 9, 1861, in MSS EUR LB 7, F 78, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. On the debates on the passage of a law that made the adulteration of cotton a crime, see the Times of India reporting in 1863, for example on Overland Summary, February 12, 1863, 6–7; also Times of India, Overland Summary, March 27,1863, 1; for pressures to change Indian contract law see Manchester Chamber of Commerce, The Forty-Second Annual Report of the Board of Directors for the Year 1862 (Manchester: Cave & Server, 1863), 13, 37; see Charles Wood to William Maine, October 9, 1862, Letterbook, July 3 to December 31, 1862, in MSS EUR LB 11, F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; reprint of a resolution of the Home Department, February 28, 1861, Supplement to the Calcutta Gazette, March 2, 1861, in Papers relating to Cotton Cultivation in India, 106, Wood Papers, MSS EUR F 78, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; some of the mechanisms are related well in John Henry Rivett-Carnac, Many Memories of Life in India, At Home, and Abroad (London: W. Blackwood and Sons, 1910), 165–93; for the debate during the war between manufacturers and government officials see also Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, October 25, 1862, in MSS EUR LB 11, F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Charles Wood to William Maine, October 9, 1862, Letterbook, July 3 to December 31, 1862, in ibid.; Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, vol. 167, June 19, 1862 (London: Cornelius Buck, 1862), 767; Manchester, Forty-Third Annual Report, 26; Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report; Liverpool Mercury, September 24, 1862, 6; Charles Wood to Sir George Clerk, March 18, 1861, in MSS EUR LB 7, March 18 to May 25, 1861, in F78, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Peter Harnetty, “The Imperialism of Free Trade: Lancashire, India, and the Cotton Supply Question, 1861–1865,” Journal of British Studies 6, no. 1 (1966): 75–76; Dwijendra Tripathi, “Opportunism of Free Trade: Lancashire Cotton Famine and Indian Cotton Cultivation,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 4, no. 3 (1967): 255–63; Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, Twelfth Annual Report of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce (Liverpool: Neson & Mallett, 1862), 6; M. L. Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton(Bombay: East India Cotton Association, 1947), 46–47; reprint of a resolution of the Home Department, February 28, 1861, Supplement to the Calcutta Gazette, March 2, 1861, in Papers relating to Cotton Cultivation in India, 106, Wood Papers, MSS EUR F 78, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library.

29Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, October 25, 1862, in MSS EUR LB 11, F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Times of India, Overland Summary, January 14, 1864, 3; Charles Wood to Sir Charles Trevelyan, March 9, 1863, in MSS EUR F 78, LB 12, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report, 24明确指出了降低关税、增加兰开夏郡商品进口与提供更多原棉之间的联系；它还预计印度将成为英国制造的棉花产品的一个越来越重要的市场，而原棉的出口将支付这些进口的费用。

30Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, vol. 167, June 19, 1862 (London: Cornelius Buck, 1862), 767; on Wood’s “incompetence” see Manchester, Forty-Third Annual Report, 26; Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report; Liverpool Mercury, September 24, 1862, 6; Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, January 10, 1863, in MSS EUR 78, LB 12, January 1 to April 27, 1863, Wood Collection, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Charles Wood to Viceroy Earl Canning, February 18, 1861, in MSS Eur F 78, LB 6, Wood Papers, British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Charles Wood to Sir George Clerk, March 18, 1861, in LB 7, March 18 to May 25, 1861, F 78, MSS EUR, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Peter Harnetty, “The Imperialism of Free Trade: Lancashire and the Indian Cotton Duties, 1859–1862,” Economic History Review 18, no. 2 (1965): 75–76; for debate as whole see Tripathi, “Opportunism,” 255–63.

31The Economist, October 4, 1862, 1093–94.

32Harnetty, “Imperialism, 1859–1862,” 333–49; Manchester, Forty-Second Annual Report, 11, 22; the superintendent is quoted in Times of India, February 12, 1863, 3; Silver, Manchester Men, 254.

33U.S. Consulate General Calcutta to William H. Seward, Calcutta, October 28, 1864, in Despatches of the U.S. Consul in Calcutta to U.S. Secretary of State, National Archives, Washington, DC; Times of India, Overland Summary, February 12, 1862, 1, cites the following numbers of cotton exports from Bombay: In 1860 India exported 497,649 bales of cotton to Europe and 205,161 bales to China; in 1861 it shipped 955,030 bales to Europe and only 67,209 to China. See Times of India, October 3, 1862, 2; Harnetty, “Imperialism, 1861–1865,” 92; Mann, The Cotton Trade, 103, 112; Statistical Abstracts for the United Kingdom in Each of the Last Fifteen Years from 1857 to 1871 (London: George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, 1872), 48–49; Fohlen, L’industrie textile, 287, 514.

34对将“腹地”纳入全球经济的重要性以及这一进程的相对“滞后”的强调，见 David Ludden, “World Economy and Village India, 1600–1900,” in Sugata Bose, ed., South Asia and World Capitalism (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990), 159–77; see Register of Invoices from the Consulate by Sundry Vessels bound for Ports in the United States, September 1863, in S 1040 (m168) reel 2, Despatches from United States Consulate General, Bombay, 1838–1906, National Archives, Washington DC; on the adjustment of machines, see letter from Mr. Baker, Inspector of Factories, to the Secretary of State for the Home Department, on the Present State of the Cotton Districts, in various documents relating to the distress in the cotton manufacturing districts during the American Civil War, in HO 45: 7523, Home Office, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Neil Charlesworth, Peasants and Imperial Rule: Agriculture and Agrarian Society in the Bombay Presidency, 1850–1935 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 135; Statistical Abstracts for the United Kingdom (London: George E. Eyre and William Spottiswoode, 1872), 48–49; Reichsenquete für die Baumwollen und Leinen-Industrie, Statistische Ermittelungen, Heft 1, 56–58; Mann, The Cotton Trade, 103, 112, 132; Times of India, Overland Summary, February 12, 1862, 1; Times of India, October 3, 1862, 2; Harnetty, “Imperialism, 1861–1865,” 287, 514; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1863–64 (Bombay: Pearse and Sorabjeem 1865), 1; Frenise A. Logan, “India: Britain’s Substitute for American Cotton, 1861–1865,” Journal of Southern History 24, no. 4 (1958): 476; see also Manchester Chamber of Commerce, The Forty-Fourth Annual Report of the Board of Directors for the Year 1864 (Manchester: Cave & Server, 1865), 18; B. R. Mitchell, European Historical Statistics, 1750–1970 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), E14; Frenise A. Logan, “India’s Loss of the British Cotton Market After 1865,” Journal of Southern History 31, no. 1 (1965): 40–50; Cotton Supply Reporter (April 15, 1861): 473, reprint of article from The Standard, Agra, March 6, 1861.

35Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 46, no. 2 (February 1862): 166; Edward Atkinson, “The Future Supply of Cotton,” North American Review 98, no. 203 (April 1864): 481. Atkinson 没有被确定为作者，但他的作者身份从他与 Charles E. Norton 的通信中可以明确看出来。See N 297, Letters, 1861–1864, Edward A. Atkinson Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

36一位观察家认为，如果没有战争，埃及棉花产量的快速增长将需要半个世纪的时间; see Edward Mead Earle, “Egyptian Cotton and the American Civil War,” Political Science Quarterly 41, no. 4 (1926), 520–45, 522; for the conversion of cantars into pounds see E. R. J. Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 89, 382–83; I assumed here that one cantar equaled 100 pounds; see Atkinson, “Future Supply,” 481.

37Estatísticas históricas do Brasil: Séries econômicas, demográficas e sociais de 1550 a 1988 (Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, 1990), 346; they were urged on by the Manchester Chamber of Commerce and Lord Russell himself; see Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report, 8; Stanley S. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 43. The table on page 257 is based on information from Government of India, Annual Statement of the Trade and Navigation of British India and Foreign Countries and of the Coasting Trade between the Several Presidencies and Provinces, vol. 5 (Calcutta: Office of Superintendent of Government Printing, 1872); Government of India, Annual Statement of the Trade and Navigation of British India and Foreign Countries and of the Coasting Trade between the Several Presidencies and Provinces, vol. 9 (Calcutta: Office of Superintendent of Government Printing, 1876); Owen, Cotton, 90; Estatísticas históricas do Brasil, 346.

38Orhan Kurmus, “The Cotton Famine and its Effects on the Ottoman Empire,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 162, 164, 165, 169; “Note of the Ministère de l’Algérie et des colonies,” Paris, December 23, 1857; Société anonyme, “Compagnie française des cotons algeriens” (Paris: Imprimé du corps legislatif, 1863), in F/80/737, Fonds Ministériels, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence, France; see also Ministère de l’Algérie et des colonies, Direction de l’Administration de l’Algérie, 2ème bureau, Paris Décret, 1859, in Colonisation L/61, 2, Gouvernement Général de l’Algérie, Centre des Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence; “Culture du Coton,” by [illegible], Paris, July 19, 1859, in ibid.; Alejandro E. Bunge, Las industrias del norte: Contribucion al estudio de una nueva política economia Argentina (Buenos Aires: n.p., 1922), 209–10; Liverpool Mercury, November 9, 1863, 6; Thomas Schoonover, “Mexican Cotton and the American Civil War,” Americas 30, no. 4 (April 1974): 430, 435; William S. Bell, An Essay on the Peruvian Cotton Industry, 1825–1920 (Liverpool: University of Liverpool, Centre for Latin American Studies, 1985), 80; Liverpool Mercury, January 3, 1865, 6; for the importance of Chinese raw cotton imports see also Manchester, Forty-Fourth Annual Report, 16; “Der Baumwollbau in Togo, Seine Bisherige Entwicklung, und sein jetziger Stand,” draft article in R 1001/8224, Bundesarchiv, Berlin.

39Manchester Guardian, May 13, 1861, 4; May 16, 1861, 3; May 17, 1861, 4; May 25, 1861, 5; Céleste Duval, Question cotonnière: La France peut s’emparer du monopole du coton par l’Afrique, elle peut rendre l’Angleterre, l’Europe, ses tributaires: L’Afrique est le vrai pays du coton (Paris: Cosson, 1864), 7; Queensland Guardian, April 3, 1861, as cited in Cotton Supply Reporter (July 1, 1861): 554; Bunge, Las industrias, 209–10; Liverpool Mercury, November 9, 1863, 6, January 3, 1865, 6; Manchester, Forty-Fourth Annual Report, 16; Donna J. E. Maier, “Persistence of Precolonial Patterns of Production: Cotton in German Togoland, 1800–1914,” in Allen F. Isaacman and Richard Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1995), 75; Peter Sebald, Togo 1884–1914: Eine Geschichte der deutschen “Musterkolonie” auf der Grundlage amtlicher Quellen (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1988), 30; O. F. Metzger, Unsere alte Kolonie Togo (Neudamm: J. Neumann, 1941), 242; “Der Baumwollbau in Togo.”

40Samuel Ruggles, in front of the New York Chamber of Commerce, reprinted in Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45, no. 1 (July 1861): 83.

41关于这些讨论，见 Henry Blumenthal, “Confederate Diplomacy, Popular Notions and International Realities,” Journal of Southern History 32, no. 2 (1966): 151–71; Carl N. Degler, One Among Many: The Civil War in Comparative Perspective (Gettysburg, PA: Gettysburg College, 1990); Hyman, ed., Heard Round the World; Owsley and Owsley, King Cotton; Bernarr Cresap, “Frank L. Owsley and King Cotton Diplomacy,” Alabama Review 26, no. 4 (1973); Charles M. Hubbard, The Burden of Confederate Diplomacy (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1998); D. P. Crook, Diplomacy During the American Civil War (New York: Wiley, 1975); Howard Jones, Union in Peril: The Crisis over British Intervention in the Civil War (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992); Lynn M. Case and Warren F. Spencer, The United States and France: Civil War Diplomacy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1970), 79; Löffler, Preussens; 关于亲南方邦联的情感，见 Liverpool Mercury, June 24, 1861, 3, August 12, 1861, 2, September 20, 1861, 6, October 8, 1861, 5, October 15, 1861, 5, December 18, 1861, 6, April 18, 1862, 6; 关于施加压力要求承认南方邦联政府，见Liverpool Mercury, July 16, 1862, 5, November 19, 1862, 3. For a controversial debate on slavery see the letters to the editor to the Liverpool Mercury printed on February 7 and 9, 1863, both on page 3; Liverpool Mercury, May 21, 1863, 7; Pelzer, “Liverpool,” 46; for material support for the Confederacy see copy of letter from Thomas Haines Dudley, U.S. Consulate Liverpool, to Charles Francis Adams, Liverpool, May 4, 1864, in Seward Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Thomas Haines Dudley to William H. Seward, Liverpool, September 3, 1864, in ibid.; Liverpool Mercury, May 3, 1864, 6. Fraser, Trenholm & Company, 离开利物浦，为南方邦联筹集资金，建造战舰，参加封锁行动，见 the Fraser, Trenholm & Company Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool; 关于利物浦上任突破北方的封锁和南方邦联代理人做生意，购买棉花，见 Letter by W. Fernie, Liverpool, to Fraser, Trenholm & Co, B/FT 1/13, Fraser, Trenholm & Company Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool. Also see Liverpool Mercury, February 4, 1863, 3; 关于曼彻斯特的情形 see Liverpool Mercury, May 23, 1863, 6; October 6, 1863, 6; October 17, 1863, 3; February 1, 1864, 7; 关于工人阶级的支持，见Liverpool Mercury, May 2, 1862, 7; August 9, 1862, 5. See also Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report, 21–22; Rapport de Bigorie de Laschamps, Procureur Général de Colmar, April 7, 1862, as cited in Case, ed., French Opinion, 258; Dunham, “Development,” 294; 关于棉花在法国民意和官方意见形成上的重要性 Case, ed., French Opinion, 257; Rapport de Bigorie de Laschamps, Procureur Général de Colmar, July 14, 1862, cited in Case, ed., French Opinion, 260; George M. Blackbourn, French Newspaper Opinion on the American Civil War (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1997), 114; Donald Bellows, “A Study of British Conservative Reaction to the American Civil War,” Journal of Southern History 51, no. 4 (November 1985): 505–26; Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, vol. 171 (1863), 1774; The Porcupine, November 9, 1861, 61; 更重要的是，Money Market Review 1861年5月声称邦联“得到联合王国商人的同情”; quoted in Liverpool Mercury, May 17, 1861; in December 1862, 利物浦商会经过长时间的激烈辩论后，通过了一项决议，要求修改国际法，保护公海上中立者的私有财产，实际上破坏了对南部港口的封锁; Liverpool Mercury, December 4, 1862, 5, December 11, 1862, 3; Tony Barley, Myths of the Slave Power: Confederate Slavery, Lancashire Workers and the Alabama (Liverpool: Coach House Press, 1992), 49; Liverpool Mercury, May 23, 1863, 6, October 6, 1863, 6, October 17, 1863, 3, February 1, 1864, 7; Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Council, 1862 (Liverpool: Benson and Mallett, 1862), 20; Brown Brothers and Company, Experiences of a Century, 1818–1918: Brown Brothers and Company (Philadelphia: n.p., 1919), 47.

42然而，英国工人，特别是兰开夏郡的棉花工人，基本上不同意一些商人和制造商对南部邦联的同情，他们经常发言支持北方联盟，尤其是在林肯宣布解放黑奴的可能性之后。林肯本人在1863年初表达了他对兰开夏郡工人的支持的感激之情。有人对此有强烈的争论，见 Barley, Myths, 67–71; Philip S. Foner, British Labor and the American Civil War (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1981), and Jones, Union in Peril, 225; against this view, but now largely refuted, Mary Ellison, Support for Secession: Lancashire and the American Civil War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972).

43Jones, Union in Peril; Owsley and Owsley, King Cotton; for the Confederacy, see W. L. Trenholm to Charles Kuhn Prioleau (Liverpool), New York, June 21, 1865, B/FT 1/137, Fraser, Trenholm & Company Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool; on the importance of wheat imports to Britain, see for example William Thayer to William H. Seward, London, July 19, 1862, Seward Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, vol. 171, June 30, 1863, 1795. For a far-flung debate on why not to recognize the Confederacy, see ibid., 1771–1842; Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, vol. 167, June 13, 1862, 543; George Campbell, Duke of Argyll, to Lord John Russell, October 11, 1862, Box 25, 30/22, Lord John Russell Papers, National Archives of the UK, Kew; on the Prussian desire for a strong United States to counterbalance British influence, see Löffler, Preussens, 59; see also Martin T. Tupper to Abraham Lincoln, May 13, 1861 (support from England), in Series 1, General Correspondence, 1833–1916, Abraham Lincoln Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; for European pressures on Lincoln, see Lord John Russell Papers, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Lord Richard Lyons to Lord John Russell, Washington, 28 July 1863, in United States, Washington Legislation, Private Correspondence, Box 37, 30/22, Lord John Russell Papers, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, August 9, 1862, LB 11, Letterbook, July 3 to December 31, 1862, MSS EUR F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. American diplomats too were frequently reminded of Europe’s urgent need for cotton; Henry S. Sanford to William H. Seward, April 10, 1862, Seward Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC, quoted in Case and Spencer, United States and France, 290; William Thayer to William H. Seward, London, July 19, 1862, Seward Papers; William L. Dayton to Charles Francis Adams, Paris, November 21, 1862, AM 15236, Correspondence, Letters Sent A-C, Box I, Dayton Papers, as quoted in Case and Spencer, United States and France, 371.

44Sancton, “Myth of French Worker,” 58–80; for concerns about social upheaval and plans to improve the situation of unemployed cotton workers, see Ménier, Au profit; on British workers’ collective action see Hall, “Poor Cotton Weyver,” 227–50; Jones, Union in Peril, 55, argues that both Gladstone and Lyons cited fears of social upheaval among textile workers as reasons to intervene in the American conflict; Address by William E. Gladstone on the Cotton Famine, 1862, Add. 44690, f. 55, vol. 605, Gladstone Papers, British Library, London; William E. Gladstone, Speech on the American Civil War, Town Hall, Newcastle upon Tyne, October 7, 1862, as quoted in Jones, Union in Peril, 182.

45Jones, Union in Peril, 114, 123, 129, 130, 133; Lord Richard Lyons to Lord John Russell, Washington, July 28, 1863, in United States, Washington Legislation, Private Correspondence, Box 37, 30/22, Lord John Russell Papers, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, August 9, 1862, in LB 11, Letterbook, July 3 to December 31, 1862, MSS EUR F 78, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Glyndon G. Van Deusen, William Henry Seward (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 330–31, Abraham Lincoln, “Annual Message to Congress,” December 3, 1861, in John George Nicolay and John Hay, eds., Abraham Lincoln: Complete Works, Compromising His Speeches, Letters, State Papers, and Miscellaneous Writings, vol. 2 (New York: Century Co., 1894), 94; “The Cabinet on Emancipation,” MSS, July 22, 1862, reel 3, Edwin M. Stanton Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC. Thanks to Eric Foner for bringing this source to my attention.

46William Thayer to William H. Seward, London, July 19, 1862, Seward Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Henry S. Sanford to William H. Seward, April 10, 1862, Seward Papers; William L. Dayton to William H. Seward, Paris, March 25, 1862, Despatches, France, State Department Correspondence, National Archives, Washington, DC. 拿破仑认为如果不能得到棉花，即将出现社会动荡。Thurlow Weed to William H. Seward, Paris, April 4, 1862, in ibid.; Imbert-Koechlim is quoted in Industrial Alsacien, February 2, 1862, as cited in Sancton, “Myth of French Worker,” 76; William L. Dayton to Charles Francis Adams, Paris, November 21, 1862, in AM 15236, Correspondence, Letters Sent A-C, Box I, Dayton Papers, quoted in Case and Spencer, United States and France, 371, also see 374; Owsley and Owsley, King Cotton, 16–17.

47Charles Francis Adams Jr. to Henry Adams, Quincy, Massachusetts, August 25, 1861, in Ford, ed., A Cycle of Adams Letters, 34–35, 36.

48关于这个有趣的故事，见 Ricky-Dale Calhoun, “Seeds of Destruction: The Globalization of Cotton as a Result of the American Civil War” (PhD dissertation, Kansas State University, 2012), 99ff., 150ff.; William Thayer to William Seward, March 5, 1863, Alexandria, in Despatches of the U.S. Consul in Alexandria to Seward, National Archives, Washington DC. See also David R. Serpell, “American Consular Activities in Egypt, 1849–1863,” Journal of Modern History 10, no. 3 (1938): 344–63; William Thayer to William H. Seward, Despatch number 23, Alexandria, November 5, 1862, in Despatches of the U.S. Consul in Alexandria to Seward, National Archives, Washington DC; William H. Seward to William Thayer, Washington, December 15, 1862, Seward Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Ayoub Bey Trabulsi to William H. Seward, Alexandria, August 12, 1862, in Despatches of the U.S. Consul in Alexandria to Seward, National Archives, Washington, DC; William Thayer to William H. Seward, April 1, 1862, in ibid.; for the dispatches to Seward on cotton see for example William Thayer to William H. Seward, Alexandria, July 20, 1861, in ibid.; William Thayer to William H. Seward, Despatch number 23, Alexandria, November 5, 1862, in ibid.

49William H. Seward to William Thayer, Washington, December 15, 1862, Seward Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC. See also Ayoub Bey Trabulsi to William H. Seward, Alexandria, August 12, 1862, in Despatches of the U.S. Consul in Alexandria to Seward, National Archives, Washington, DC; William Thayer to William H. Seward, April 1, 1862, in ibid.

50Baring Brothers Liverpool to Joshua Bates, Liverpool, February 12, 1862, in HC 35: 1862, House Correspondence, Baring Brothers, ING Baring Archive, London; Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, August 9, 1862, in MSS EUR F 78, LB 11, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Dunham, “Development,” 295; Rapport de Neveu-Lemaire, procureur général de Nancy, January 5, 1864, as cited in Case, ed., French Opinion, 285–86; 其他地区也送回类似的报告。

51Liverpool Mercury, January 4, 1864, 8; the general argument is also made by Tripathi, “A Shot,” 74–89; William H. Seward, March 25, 1871, in Olive Risely Seward, ed., William H. Seward’s Travels Around the World (New York: D. Appleton & Co, 1873), 401.

52这是从阅读曼彻斯特商会的年度报告中得到的印象；对于棉花利益松了一口气的感觉，见 Manchester, Forty-Third Annual Report, 17, 25; Liverpool Mercury, August 8, 1864, 7, August 9, 1864, 7, August 10, 1864, 3, August 31, 1864, 7, September 22, 1864, 7, October 31, 1864, 7. See also Owsley and Owsley, King Cotton, 137, 143; Atkinson, “Future Supply,” 485–86; John Bright to Edward A. Atkinson, London, May 29, 1862, Box N 298, Edward A. Atkinson Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston.

53Bremer Handelsblatt 12 (1862), 335.

54The Economist, September 21, 1861, 1042; J. E. Horn, La crise cotonnière et les textiles indigènes (Paris: Dentu, 1863), 14; Leone Levi, “On the Cotton Trade and Manufacture, as Affected by the Civil War in America,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 26, no. 8 (March 1863): 42; Stephen S. Remak, La paix en Amérique (Paris: Henri Plon, 1865), 25–26; Bremer Handelsblatt, April 22, 1865, 142.

55奴隶对解放斗争的重要性已经被许多历史学家很好地分析了；尤见 Ira Berlin et al., Slaves No More: Three Essays on Emancipation and the Civil War (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (New York: HarperCollins, 2002); Steven Hahn, A Nation Under Our Feet: Black Political Struggles in the Rural South from Slavery to the Great Migration(Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 2003); Steven Hahn, The Political Worlds of Slavery and Freedom (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009); on the contradictions of southern state formation and the weaknesses it wrought in war see also Stephanie McCurry, Confederate Reckoning: Power and Politics in the Civil War South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).

56London Mercury, September 22, 1863, 7; Ravinder Kumar, Western India in the Nineteenth Century: A Study in the Social History of Maharashtra (London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1968), 35, 59, 151, 161; Maurus Staubli, Reich und arm mit Baumwolle: Export orientierte Landwirtschaft und soziale Stratifikation am Beispiel des Baumwollanbaus im indischen Distrikt Khandesh (Dekkan) 1850–1914 (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1994), 58, 68, 114–15, 187; Alan Richards, Egypt’s Agricultural Development, 1800–1980: Technical and Social Change (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1982), 55, 61; 在中亚，在很多年后，情况类似；John Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton in Imperial Russia,” American Slavic and East European Review 15, no. 2 (1956): 190–205; 关于战后南方经济的改变，见 Foner, Reconstruction, 392–411; Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Norton, 1978), 166–76; Wright, Old South, 34, 107; Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850–1890 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983).

57W. H. Holmes, Free Cotton: How and Where to Grow It (London: Chapman and Hall, 1862), 18; Merivale, Lectures, 315; Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons, dated July 25, 1842, as cited in Alleyne Ireland, Demerariana: Essays, Historical, Critical, and Descriptive (New York: Macmillan, 1899), 150; The Economist, December 9, 1865, 1487, emphasis in original.

58Holmes, Free Cotton, 16, 18, 22; Commission Coloniale, Rapport à M. le Ministre de la Marine et des Colonies sur l’Organisation du Travail Libre, Record Group Gen 40, box 317, Fonds Ministérielles, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence, France; Cotton Supply Reporter (December 16, 1861): 722.

59Holmes, Free Cotton; Auteur de la paix en Europe par l’Alliance anglo-française, Les blancs et les noirs en Amérique et le coton dans les deux mondes (Paris: Dentu, 1862).

60“为了重建而排演”这个主题取材自 Willie Lee Nichols Rose, Rehearsal for Reconstruction: The Port Royal Experiment (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1964); Liverpool Mercury, September 23, 1863, 6; 这也是利物浦越来越多的人的结论，到1863年，他们给Liverpool Mercury的编辑写了越来越多的信，让人们听到他们反对奴隶制的声音；见Liverpool Mercury, January 19, 1863, 6, January 24, 1863, 7; Edward Atkinson, Cheap Cotton by Free Labor (Boston: A. Williams & Co., 1861); Atkinson Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston; Manchester, Forty-First Annual Report, 33; Atkinson, “Future Supply,” 485–86.

61早在1862年，Caird 先生就在众议院指出：“南方各州迄今为止从奴隶种植中获得的好处在很大程度上将会结束。”Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, vol. 167 (1862), 791; see Liverpool Mercury, January 3, 1865, 6, April 25, 1865, 6, May 13, 1865, 6; for prices, see John A. Todd, World’s Cotton Crops (London: A. & C. Black, 1915 (1924), 429–32; XXIV.2.22, RP, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool; Baring Brothers Liverpool to Baring Brothers London, July 19, 1865, in House Correspondence, HC 3 (1865), folder 35 (Correspondence from Liverpool House), ING Baring Archive, London.

62Bremer Handelsblatt, June 17, 1865, 234–35; W. A. Bruce to Lord John Russell, May 10, 1865, in Letters from Washington Minister of Great Britain to Foreign Office, Earl Russell, 1865, in 30: 22/38, Lord John Russell Papers, National Archives of the UK, Kew; W. A. Bruce to Lord John Russell, May 22, 1865, in ibid.

63August Etienne, Die Baumwollzucht im Wirtschaftsprogramm der deutschen Übersee-Politik (Berlin: Verlag von Hermann Paetel, 1902), 28; 美国内战时期印度棉花生产扩张的一个重要议题是劳动力短缺问题；见Times of India, October 18, 1861, 3, February 27, 1863, 6; Zeitfragen, May 1, 1911, 1; Protocol of the Annual Meeting of the Manchester Cotton Supply Association, June 11, 1861, reprinted in “The Cotton Question,” Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45 (October 1861): 379; Liverpool Mercury, June 12, 1861, 3; Dharwar collecterate 轧花厂负责人于1862年5月报告说，”虽然本地棉花的种植可以扩展到相当大程度，但可用的劳动力数量不足以清理现在生产的棉花数量。”quoted in Times of India, February 12, 1863, 3; Bengal Hurkaru, May 11, 1861, as reprinted in Bombay Times and Standard, May 17, 1861, 3.

64Cotton Supply Reporter (June 15, 1861): 530; Supplement to The Economist, Commercial History and Review of 1865, March 10, 1866, 3; Bremer Handelsblatt, April 22, 1865, 142; 当然，奴隶制本身在古巴、巴西和非洲等地繁荣了几十年；然而，总的来说，棉花不再由奴隶生产；见 Suzanne Miers and Richard Roberts, The End of Slavery in Africa (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988).

65Timothy Mitchell, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 59–60; Mathieu, De la culture, 25.

66Bremer Handelsblatt, October 14, 1865, 372.

67The Economist, December 9, 1865, 1488; Eric Foner, Nothing but Freedom: Emancipation and Its Legacy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1983), 27–28.

68Berlin et al., Slaves No More, 1–76.

69Reclus, “Le coton,” 208.

70Baring Brothers Liverpool to Baring Brothers London, February 4, 1865, in House Correspondence, HC 3 (1865), folder 35 (Correspondence from Liverpool House), ING Baring Archive, London; Gore’s General Advertiser, January 19, 1865, as cited in Hall, “Liverpool Cotton,” 163; Indian Daily News, Extraordinary, March 8, 1865, clipping included in U.S. Consulate General Calcutta to William H. Seward, Calcutta, March 8, 1864, in Despatches of the U.S. Consul in Calcutta to U.S. Secretary of State, National Archives, Washington, DC; Letter from Calvin W. Smith to “Dear Friends at home,” Bombay, April 23, 1865, in folder 13, Ms. N-937, Calvin W. Smith Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston; Samuel Smith, My Life-Work (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1902), 35; Brown Brothers, Experiences, 49–50.

71William B. Forwood, “The Influence of Price upon the Cultivation and Consumption of Cotton During the Ten Years 1860–1870,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 33, no. 3 (September 1870): 371.

72Horn, La crise, 46.

第10章　全球重建

1Frederick W. A. Bruce to Earl of Clarendon, British Secretary of State, Washington, DC, December 18, 1865, reprinted in Cotton Supply Reporter (February 1, 1866): 1795; Memorandum, W. Hickens, Royal Engineers, to Secretary of State, Washington, DC, December 18, 1865, in ibid.

2Edmund Ashworth, as cited in Cotton Supply Reporter (July 1, 1865): 1675; Maurice Williams, “The Cotton Trade of 1865,” Seven Year History of the Cotton Trade of Europe, 1861 to 1868 (Liverpool: William Potter, 1868), 19. For more on Williams see Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Including a History of the Liverpool Cotton Market and of the Liverpool Cotton Brokers’ Association (London: Effingham Wilson, 1886), 255.

3Robert Ed. Bühler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen Englands, Frankreichs und Deutschlands in ihrer Baumwollversorgung” (PhD dissertation, University of Zürich, 1929), 3; Cotton Supply Reporter (June 1, 1865): 1658.

4B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: The Americas, 1750–2005 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 391, 467, 547–49; Elijah Helm, “An International Survey of the Cotton Industry,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 17, no. 3 (May 1903): 417; Gavin Wright, “Cotton Competition and the Post-bellum Recovery of the American South,” Journal of Economic History 34, no. 3 (September 1974): 632–33. Douglas A. Farnie and David J. Jeremy, The Fibre That Changed the World: The Cotton Industry in International Perspective, 1600–1990s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 23, 25.

5279页的图表是根据作者对19个国家（奥地利、比利时、巴西、加拿大、中国、法国、德国、印度、意大利、日本、墨西哥、荷兰、葡萄牙、俄国、西班牙、瑞典、瑞士、联合王国和美国）棉花锭子数据的分析得出的。由于来源的分散性和不一致性，这只是一个估计。有些数字是推断出来的。有关数字，请参阅 Louis Bader, World Developments in the Cotton Industry, with Special Reference to the Cotton Piece Goods Industry in the United States (New York: New York University Press, 1925), 33; Amiya Kumar Bagchi, Private Investment in India, 1900–1939, Cambridge South Asian Studies 10 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 234; Javier Barajas Manzano, Aspectos de la industria textil de algodón en México (Mexico: Instituto Mexicano de Investigaciones Económicas, 1959), 43–44, 280; Belgium, Ministère de l’Intérieur, Statistique de la Belgique, Industrie (Brussels: Impr. de T. Lesigne, 1851), 471; Pierre Benaerts, Les origines de la grande industrie allemande (Paris: F. H. Turot, 1933), 486; Sabbato Louis Besso, The Cotton Industry in Switzerland, Vorarlberg, and Italy; A Report to the Electors of the Gartside Scholarships (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1910); George Bigwood, Cotton (New York: Holt, 1919), 61; H. J. Habakkuk and M. Postan, eds., The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, vol. 6 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), 443; Kang Chao, The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 301–7; Stanley D. Chapman, “Fixed Capital Formation in the British Cotton Industry, 1770–1815,” Economic History Review, New Series, 23, no. 2 (August 1970): 235–66, 252; Louis Bergeron and Jean-Antoine-Claude Chaptal, De l’industrie française: Acteurs de l’histoire (Paris: Impr. nationale éditions, 1993), 326; Melvin Thomas Copeland, The Cotton Manufacturing Industry of the United States (New York: A. M. Kelley, 1966), 19; see years 1878–1920 in Cotton Facts: A Compilation from Official and Reliable Sources(New York: A. B. Shepperson, 1878); Richard Dehn and Martin Rudolph, The German Cotton Industry; A Report to the Electors of the Gartside Scholarships (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1913); Thomas Ellison, A Hand-book of the Cotton Trade, or, A glance at the Past History, Present Condition, and the Future Prospects of the Cotton Commerce of the World (London: Longman Brown Green Longmans and Roberts, 1858), 146–67; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 72–3; D. A. Farnie, The English Cotton Industry and the World Market, 1815–1896 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 180; Mimerel Fils, “Filature du Cotton,” in Michel Chevalier, ed., Rapports du Jury international: Exposition universelle de 1867 à Paris, vol. 4 (Paris: P. Dupont, 1868), 20; R. B. Forrester, The Cotton Industry in France; A Report to the Electors of the Gartside Scholarships (London: Longman, Green and Co., 1921), 5; “Industrie textile,” Annuaire statistique de la France(Paris, 1877–1890, 1894); Michael Owen Gately, “The Development of the Russian Cotton Textile Industry in the Pre-revolutionary Years, 1861–1913” (PhD dissertation, University of Kansas, 1968), 134; Statistisches Reichsamt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich, vol. 24 (1913), 107; Aurora Gómez Galvarriato, “The Impact of Revolution: Business and Labor in the Mexican Textile Industry, Orizaba, Veracruz, 1900–1930” (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 2000), 23, 45; Great Britain, Committee on Industry, and Trade, Survey of Textile Industries: Cotton, Wool, Artificial Silk (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1928), 142; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, International Cotton Statistics, Arno S. Pearse, ed. (Manchester: Thiel & Tangye, 1921), 1–32; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations and Arno S. Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India, Being the Report of the Journey to India (Manchester: Taylor, Garnett, Evans, 1930), 22; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations and Arno S. Pearse, The Cotton Industry of Japan and China, Being the Report of the Journey to Japan and China (Manchester: Taylor Garnett Evans & Co. Ltd., 1929), 18–19, 154; Italy, Ministero di Agricoltura, Industria e Commercio, “L’industria del cotone in Italia,” Annali di Statistica, series 4, no. 100 (Rome: Tipografia Nazionale di G. Bertero E.C., 1902), 12–13; Italy, Ministero di Agricoltura, Industria e Commercio, Annuario statistico italiano (Roma: Tip. Elzeviriana), see years 1878, 1881, 1886, 1892, 1900, 1904, and 1905–6; S. T. King and Ta-chün Liu, China’s Cotton Industry: A Statistical Study of Ownership of Capital, Output, and Labor Conditions (n.p.: n.p., 1929), 4; Sung Jae Koh, Stages of Industrial Development in Asia: A Comparative History of the Cotton Industry in Japan, India, China, and Korea (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966), 324–66; Richard A. Kraus, Cotton and Cotton Goods in China, 1918–1936 (New York: Garland, 1980), 57, 99; John C. Latham and H. E. Alexander, Cotton Movement and Fluctuations (New York: Latham Alexander & Co., 1894–1910); Maurice Lévy-Leboyer, Les banques européennes et l’industrialisation internationale dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1964), 29; S. D. Mehta, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry, an Economic Analysis (Bombay: Published by G. K. Ved for the Textile Association of India, 1953), 139; B. R. Mitchell, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971) 185; B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: Europe, 1750–1993 (New York: Stockton Press, 1998), 511; Charles Kroth Moser, The Cotton Textile Industry of Far Eastern Countries (Boston: Pepperell Manufacturing Company, 1930), 50; National Association of Cotton Manufacturers, Standard Cotton Mill Practice and Equipment, with Classified Buyer’s Index (Boston: National Association of Cotton Manufacturers, 1919), 37; Keijiro Otsuka, Gustav Ranis, and Gary R. Saxonhouse, Comparative Technology Choice in Development: The Indian and Japanese Cotton Textile Industries (Houndmills, Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 1988), 6; Alexander Redgrave, “Report of Factory Inspectors,” Parliamentary Papers (Great Britain: Parliament, House of Commons, 1855), 69; J. H. Schnitzler, De la création de la richesse, ou, des intérêts matériels en France, vol. 1 (Paris: H. Lebrun, 1842), 228; Stanley J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 191; Guy Thomson, “Continuity and Change in Mexican Manufacturing,” in Jean Batou, ed., Between Development and Underdevelopment: The Precocious Attempts at Industrialization of the Periphery, 1800–1870 (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991), 280; John A. Todd, The World’s Cotton Crops (London: A. & C. Black, 1915), 411; Ugo Tombesi, L’industria cotoniera italiana alla fine del secolo XIX (Pesaro: G. Frederici, 1901), 66; United States, Bureau of Manufactures, Cotton Fabrics in Middle Europe: Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Switzerland (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1908), 23, 125, 162; United States, Bureau of Manufactures, Cotton Goods in Canada (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1913), 33; United States, Bureau of Manufactures, Cotton Goods in Italy (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1912), 6; United States, Bureau of Manufactures, Cotton Goods in Russia (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1912), 9–11; United States, Bureau of the Census, Cotton Production and Distribution: Season of 1916–1917 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1918), 88; United States, Bureau of the Census, Cotton Production in the United States (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1915), 56.

6The general point is also made by Herbert S. Klein and Stanley Engerman, “The Transition from Slave to Free Labor: Notes on a Comparative Economic Model,” in Manuel Moreno Fraginals, Frank Moya Pons, and Stanley L. Engerman, Between Slavery and Free Labor: The Spanish-Speaking Caribbean in the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), 260.

7Commission Coloniale, Rapport à M. le Ministre de la Marine et des Colonies sur l’Organisation du Travail Libre, p. 61, in Record Group Gen 40, box 472, Fonds Ministérielles, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence, France.

8胁迫的持续存在在下列著作中也有讨论：Lutz Raphael, “Krieg, Diktatur und Imperiale Erschliessung: Arbeitszwang und Zwangsarbeit 1880 bis 1960,” in Elisabeth Herrmann-Ott, ed., Sklaverei, Knechtschaft, Zwangsarbeit: Untersuchungen zur Sozial-, Rechts- und Kulturgeschichte. (Hildesheim: Olms, 2005), 256–80; Robert Steinfeld, Coercion, Contract, and Free Labor in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); Eric Foner, Nothing But Freedom: Emancipation and Its Legacy (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1983); Nan Elizabeth Woodruff, American Congo: The African American Freedom Struggle in the Delta (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003); Donald Holley, The Second Great Emancipation: The Mechanical Cotton Picker, Black Migration, and How They Shaped the Modern South (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2000), 104–5; Charles S. Aiken, The Cotton Plantation South Since the Civil War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 101.

9Barbara Fields, “The Advent of Capitalist Agriculture: The New South in a Bourgeois World,” in Thavolia Glymph et al., eds., Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), 74; Southern Cultivator, February 26, 1868, 61.

10Edward Atkinson, Cheap Cotton by Free Labor (Boston: A. Williams & Co., 1861); Commercial and Financial Chronicle (November 11, 1865): 611–12.

11Southern Cultivator, January 24, 1866, 5; W. A. Bruce to Earl Russell, Washington, May 10, 1865, in Letters from Washington Minister of Great Britain top Foreign Office, Earl Russell, 1865 (Private Correspondence), 30/22/38, National Archives of the UK, Kew; J. R. Busk to Messrs. Rathbone Brothers and Co., New York, April 24, 1865, in Rathbone Papers, Record number XXIV.2.22, RP, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool; Commercial and Financial Chronicle (August 26, 1865): 258ff.; George McHenry, The Cotton Supply of the United States of America (London: Spottiswoode & Co., 1865), 25ff.; Bengal Chamber of Commerce, Reports, 1864–1866, 809, as cited in Frenise A. Logan, “India’s Loss of the British Cotton Market After 1865,” Journal of Southern History 31, no. 1 (1965): 47; G. F. Forbes to Under Secretary of State for India, August 16, 1866, Secretariat Records Office, as quoted in Logan, “India’s Loss of the British Cotton Market,” 49.

12Bliss Perry, Life and Letters of Henry Lee Higginson, vol. 1 (Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1921), 247, Southern Cultivator, May 26, 1868, 133, 135. For examples of this discussion see Southern Cultivator, February 25, 1867, 42; August 25, 1867, 258; October 25, 1867, 308; January 26, 1868, 12; May 26, 1868, 135; Joseph P. Reidy, From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism in the Cotton Plantation South: Central Georgia, 1800–1880 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 137; Southern Cultivator, February 27, 1869, 51; Macon Telegraph, May 31, 1865.

13Contract dated Boston, December 23, 1863, in various letters and notes, file 298, Edward A. Atkinson Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston; Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (New York: Harper & Row, 1988), 53, 54, 58; Edward Atkinson to his mother, Washington, July 5, 1864, in various letters and notes, file 298, Edward A. Atkinson Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society.

14Macon Daily Telegraph, May 31, 1865, 1; Joseph D. Reid Jr., “Sharecropping as an Understandable Market Response: The Post-bellum South,” Journal of Economic History 33, no. 1 (March 1973): 107.

15Contract of January 29, 1866, in Alonzo T. and Millard Mial Papers, North Carolina Department of Archives and History, as cited in Reid, “Sharecropping as an Understandable Market Response,” 108; Susan Eva O’Donovan, Becoming Free in the Cotton South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), 127, 129, 131; James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth: The Mississippi Delta and the Roots of Regional Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 48–50.

16Foner, Reconstruction, 103, 104. 有人认为，在整个美洲，前奴隶希望“控制自己的劳动和进入自己的土地”。见 Klein and Engerman, “The Transition from Slave to Free Labor,” 256; “A Freedman’s Speech,” Pennsylvania Freedmen’s Bulletin (January 1867): 16.

17Reidy, From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism, 144.

18Foner, Reconstruction, 108, 134; Reidy, From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism, 125, 150, 152; Amy Dru Stanley, “Beggars Can’t Be Choosers: Compulsion and Contract in Postbellum America,” Journal of American History 78, no. 4 (March 1992): 1274, 1285; Cobb, The Most Southern Place, 51; U.S. Congress, House, Orders Issue by the Commissioner and Assistant Commissioners of the Freedmen’s Bureau, 65, as cited in Stanley, “Beggars Can’t Be Choosers,” 1284.

19Commercial and Financial Chronicle (November 11, 1865): 611–12; “A Freedman’s Speech,” Pennsylvania Freedmen’s Bulletin (January 1867): 115.

20O’Donovan, Becoming Free, 162, 189, 224, 227, 240; Foner, Reconstruction, 138, 140; Cobb, The Most Southern Place, 51; James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), xv.

21Gavin Wright, “The Strange Career of the New Southern Economic History,” Reviews in American History 10, no. 4 (December 1982): 171; Foner, Reconstruction, 174; Fields, “The Advent of Capitalist Agriculture,” 84; Reidy, From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism, 159; Southern Cultivator 25, no. 11 (November 1867): 358; Aiken, The Cotton Plantation South, 34ff. Cobb, The Most Southern Place, 55, 70; W. E. B. DuBois, “Die Negerfrage in den Vereinigten Staaten,” Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft 22 (1906): 52.

22Reid, “Sharecropping as an Understandable Market Response,” 114, 116, 118; Grimes Family Papers, #3357, Southern Historical Collection, as cited in Reid, “Sharecropping as an Understandable Market Response,” 128–29.

23Wright, “The Strange Career,” 172, 176. Cobb, The Most Southern Place, 102; Harold D. Woodman, “Economic Reconstruction and the Rise of the New South, 1865–1900,” in John B. Boles and Evelyn Thomas Nolan, eds., Interpreting Southern History: Historiographical Essays in Honor of Sanford W. Higginbotham (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987), 268; DuBois, “Die Negerfrage,” 41; C. L. Hardeman to John C. Burns, December 11, 1875, John C. Burrus Papers, Mississippi Department of Archives and History, as cited in Cobb, The Most Southern Place, 63; Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 1875–1914 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987), 36.

24Wright, “The Strange Career,” 170, 172; John R. Hanson II, “World Demand for Cotton During the Nineteenth Century: Wright’s Estimates Re-examined,” Journal of Economic History 39, no. 4 (December 1979): 1015, 1016, 1018, 1019.

25Southern Cultivator, January 26, 1868, 13; Telegram, Forstall and Sons to Baring Brothers, London, September 16, 1874, in record group HC 5.2.6.142, ING Baring Archive, London; O’Donovan, Becoming Free, 117; Cobb, The Most Southern Place, 91, 104, 114; Woodman, “Economic Reconstruction,” 173; Reidy, From Slavery to Agrarian Capitalism, 222, 225; Aiken, The Cotton Plantation South, 23.

26Steven Hahn, “Class and State in Postemancipation Societies: Southern Planters in Comparative Perspective,” American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (February 1990): 83, 84, 96.

27David F. Weiman, “The Economic Emancipation of the Non-slaveholding Class: Upcountry Farmers in the Georgia Cotton Economy,” Journal of Economic History 45, no. 1 (1985): 72, 76, 78.

28Weiman, “The Economic Emancipation of the Non-slaveholding Class,” 84; DuBois, “Die Negerfrage,” 38; Ernst von Halle, Baumwollproduktion und Pflanzungswirtschaft in den Nordamerikanischen Südstaaten, Zweiter Teil, Sezessionskrieg und Rekonstruktion (Leipzig: Dunker & Humboldt, 1906), 518, 661ff.; Foner, Reconstruction, 394.

29Southern Cultivator, June 29, 1871, 221; Cobb, The Most Southern Place, 110; Jerre Mangione and Ben Morreale, La Storia: Five Centuries of the Italian American Experience (New York: Harper Perennial, 1992), 185; Aiken, The Cotton Plantation South, 61; E. Merton Coulter, James Monroe Smith: Georgia Planter (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1961), 9, 14, 17, 35, 37, 67–69, 84, 90.

30Julia Seibert, “Travail Libre ou Travail Forcé?: Die ‘Arbeiterfrage’ im belgischen Kongo 1908–1930,” Journal of Modern European History 7, no. 1 (March 2009): 95–110; DuBois, “Die Negerfrage,” 44.

31United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to the Present (New York: Basic Books, 1976), 518, 899; United States Bureau of Statistics, Department of the Treasury, Cotton in Commerce: Statistics of United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Egypt, and British India (Washington. DC: Government Printing Office, 1895), 29; France, Direction Générale des Douanes, Tableau décennal du commerce de la France avec ses colonies et les puissances étrangères, 1887–96 (Paris, 1896), 2, 108; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich, vol. 13 (Berlin: Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, 1892), 82–83; Statistical Abstracts for the United Kingdom in Each of the Last Fifteen Years from 1886 to 1900 (London: Wyman and Sons, 1901), 92–93.

32Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1865–66 (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1867), 213; B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: Africa, Asia and Oceania, 1750–2005(Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 354; F. M. W. Schofield, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Simla, September 15, 1888, 10, in Proceedings, Part B, Nos 6–8, April 1889, Fibres and Silk Branch, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Statistical Abstract Relating to British India from 1903–04 to 1912–13 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1915), 188; Statistical Tables Relating to Indian Cotton: Indian Spinning and Weaving Mills (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1889), 59; Toyo Menka Kaisha, The Indian Cotton Facts 1930 (Bombay: Toyo Menka Kaisha Ltd., 1930), 54; Dwijendra Tripathi, “India’s Challenge to America in European Markets, 1876–1900,” Indian Journal of American Studies 1, no. 1 (1969): 58; Bericht der Handelskammer Bremen über das Jahr 1913 (Bremen: Hauschild, 1914), 38; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1865–66 (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1867), 213. The permanence of this change is also emphasized by Maurus Staubli, Reich und Arm mit Baumwolle: Exportorientierte Landwirtschaft am Beispiel des Baumwollanbaus im Indischen Distrikt Khandesh (Dekkan), 1850–1914 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1994), 66; James A. Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Its Rise, Progress, and Present Extent (London: Simpkin, Marshall, 1860), 132; Statistical Abstracts for British India from 1911–12 to 1920–21 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1924), 476–77. 关于内战对印度的影响的许多文献中有一种不幸的倾向，把人们的观点局限于印度和英国之间的关系，完全忽略了印度和欧洲大陆以及日本之间更重要的原棉贸易。有关“帝国中心论”的观点，请参见例如 Logan, “India’s Loss of the British Cotton Market,” and also Wright, “Cotton Competition.” 关于欧洲大陆市场的重要性，见 John Henry Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69 (Bombay: Printed at the Education Society’s Press, 1869), 139; C. B. Pritchard, Annual Report on Cotton for the Bombay Presidency for the Year 1882–83 (Bombay: Cotton Department, Bombay Presidency, 1883), 2. 关于日本市场的重要性，见 S. V. Fitzgerald and A. E. Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers, Amraoti District, vol. A (Bombay: Claridge, 1911), 192, in record group V/27/65/6, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. 关于欧洲进口印度棉花日益增多，见 Tripathi, “India’s Challenge to America in European Markets, 1876–1900,” 57–65; Statistical Abstracts for the United Kingdom for Each of the Fifteen Years from 1910 to 1924 (London: S. King & Son Ltd, 1926), 114–15; John A. Todd, World’s Cotton Crops (London: A. & C. Black, 1915), 45; 关于印度棉花在欧洲大陆普遍受欢迎的原因，见“Report by F. M. W. Schofield, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Simla, 15 Sept. 1888,” in Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Fibres and Silk Branch, April 1889, Nos. 6–8, Part B, National Archives of India, New Delhi; A. J. Dunlop to the Secretary of the Chamber of Commerce, Bombay, Alkolale, June 11, 1874, Proceedings, Part B, June 1874, No. 41/42, Fibres and Silk Branch, Agriculture and Commerce Department, Revenue, National Archives of India; “Statement Exhibiting the Moral and Material Progress and Condition of India, 1895–96,” 109, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library.

33Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: The Americas, 227, 316.

34International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt, 1927 (Manchester: International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, 1927), 28, 49; Arnold Wright, ed., Twentieth Century Impressions of Egypt: Its History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resources (London: Lloyd’s Greater Britain Publishing Company, 1909), 280; B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: Africa, Asia and Oceania, 1750–2005 (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 265.

351866至1905 年间，巴西的纱锭数量增加到了53倍。关于巴西的讨论根据Estatísticas históricas do Brasil: Séries econômicas, demográficas e sociais de 1550 a 1988 (Rio de Janeiro: Fundação Instituto Brasileiro de Geogralica e Estatística, 1990), 346; on the number of spindles see Stanley J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 191; E. R. J. Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 90, 123, 124, 197; the permanence of this change is also emphasized by Alan Richards, Egypt’s Agricultural Development, 1800–1980: Technical and Social Change (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1982), 31; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 91; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt, 125.

36Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69, 13, 114, 131; Alfred Comyn Lyall, ed., Gazetteer for the Haiderábád Assigned Districts Commonly called Barár (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1870), 161; Charles B. Saunders, Administration Report by the Resident at Hyderabad; including a Report on the Administration of the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for the year 1872–73 (Hyderabad: Residency Press, 1872), 12.

37关于电报，见 Laxman D. Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 1850–1900 (New Delhi: Manohar, 1997), 142, 152. India and Bengal Despatches, vol. 82, August 17, 1853, pp. 1140–42, from Board of Directors, EIC London, to Financial/Railway Department, Government of India, quoted in Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 142. 关于经费来源，见 Aruna Awasthi, History and Development of Railways in India (New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1994), 92; General Balfour is quoted in Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69, 114. 关于铁路和曼彻斯特商品之间的关系，见 ibid., 155; Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers, 248; Report on the Trade of the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for the Year 1883–84, p. 2, in record group V/24, in Hyderabad Assigned Districts, India, Department of Land Records and Agriculture Reports, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Jürgen Osterhammel, Kolonialismus: Geschichte, Formen, Folgen, 6th ed. (Munich: Beck, 2006), 10. The quote characterizing Khamgaon is from Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 173. The information on merchants is from John Henry Rivett-Carnac, Many Memories of Life in India, At Home, and Abroad (London: W. Blackwood and Sons, 1910), 166, 169; Times of India, March 11, 1870, 193, 199; “Report on the Cotton Trading Season in CP and Berar,” June 1874, record group Fibres and Silk Branch, No 41/42, Part B, Revenue, Agriculture and Commerce Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi.

38Journal of the Society of Arts 24 (February 25, 1876): 260; Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69, 100; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 153.

39Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69, 115.

40Formation of a Special Department of Agriculture, Commerce a Separate Branch of the Home Department, April 9, 1870, 91–102, Public Branch, Home Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Douglas E. Haynes, “Market Formation in Khandeshh, 1820–1930,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 36, no. 3 (1999): 294; Asiatic Review (October 1, 1914): 298–364; report by E. A. Hobson, 11, in Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Fibres and Silk Branch, November 1887, Nos. 22–23, Part B, in National Archives of Inda, New Delhi. And indeed, by 1863 Charles Wood could observe that “the present state of things is diminishing the home spinning”; in Charles Wood to James Bruce, Earl of Elgin, June 16, 1863 in MSS EUR F 78, LB 13, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; letter from A. J. Dunlop, Assistant Commissioner in Charge of Cotton, to the Secretary of the Chamber of Commerce, Bombay, dated Camp Oomraoti, November 6, 1874, in Revenue, Agricultural and Commerce Department, Fibres and Silk Branch, Proceedings, Part B, November 1874, No. 5, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 146, 183; Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers, 248; printed letter from A. J. Dunlop to the Secretary of the Government of India, Revenue, Agriculture and Commerce, Hyderabad, April 2, 1878, in Report on the Trade of the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for the Year 1877–78, p. 6, in record group V/24, in Hyderabad Assigned Districts, India, Department of Land Records and Agriculture, Reports, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library.

41Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69, 91; Charles Wood to Sir Charles Trevelyan, April 9, 1863, MSS EUR F 78, LB 12, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

42Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 136–37, 180; Asiatic, June 11, 1872, in MS. f923.2.S330, Newspaper clippings, Benjamin John Smith Papers, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester. 同样在西北各省，棉花总种植面积从1861年的953076公顷增加到1864年的1730634公顷。见 Logan, “India’s Loss of the British Cotton Market,” 46; George Watt, The Commercial Products of India (London: John Murray, 1908), 600; Times of India, December 10, 1867, as quoted in Moulvie Syed Mahdi Ali, Hyderabad Affairs, vol. 5 (Bombay: Printed at the Times of India Steam Press, 1883), 260.

43Timothy Mitchell, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 57.

44Ibid., 66–71.

45Ibid., 70.

46Ibid., 62–63, 67, 71, 73; Great Britain, High Commissioner for Egypt and the Sudan, Reports by His Majesty’s Agent and Consul-General on the Finances, Administration, and Condition of Egypt and the Soudan (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1902), 24; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report: Egypt and Anglo-Egyptian Soudan (Manchester: n.p., 1921), 66.

47Mitchell, Rule of Experts, 55, 63, 66, 72, 73, 76.

48Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 85, 169; Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers, 150. On the wastelands see Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 78. 卡尔·马克思已经明白，工厂主的核心需求是改善印度的基础设施，把棉花运到海岸。见 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Aufstand in Indien (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1978 [1853]), 264; Sandip Hazareesingh, “Cotton, Climate and Colonialism in Dharwar, Western India, 1840–1880,” Journal of Historical Geography 38, no. 1 (2012): 14.

49How to Make India Take the Place of America as Our Cotton Field (London: J. E. Taylor, n.d., probably 1863), 7.

50Thomas Bazley, as quoted in Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45, no. 5 (November 1861): 483; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 34, 47, 59, 62, 87, 91, 95; Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers, 147, 226; A. C. Lydall, Gazetteer for the Haidarabad Assigned Districts, Commonly Called Berar (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1870), 96, in record group V/27/65/112, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Hazareesingh, “Cotton, Climate and Colonialism in Dharwar, Western India, 1840–1880,” 12; Arno Schmidt, Cotton Growing in India (Manchester: International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners; and Manufacturers’ Associations, 1912), 22.

51David Hall-Matthews, “Colonial Ideologies of the Market and Famine Policy in Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, c. 1870–1884,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 36, no. 3 (1999): 307; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 80–81; Meltem Toksöz, “The Çukurova: From Nomadic Life to Commercial Agriculture, 1800–1908” (PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton, 2000), 75; Francis Turner, “Administration Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1876–77,” in record group V/24/434, Cotton Department, Bombay Presidency, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

52Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 80, 161; Times of India, Overland Summary, January 14, 1864, 3.

53Christof Dejung, “The Boundaries of Western Power: The Colonial Cotton Economy in India and the Problem of Quality,” in Christof Dejung and Niels P. Petersson, eds., The Foundations of Worldwide Economic Integration: Power, Institutions, and Global Markets, 1850–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 149–50.

54International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt, 64; E. B. Francis, “Report on the Cotton Cultivation in the Punjab for 1882–1883,” Lahore, 1882, in record group V/24/441, Financial Commission, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

55F. M. W. Schofield, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Simla, September 15, 1888, in Proceedings, Part B, Nos. 6–8, April 1889, Fibres and Silk Branch, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Samuel Ruggles, in front of the New York Chamber of Commerce, reprinted in Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 45, no. 1 (July 1861): 83; Rivett-Carnac, Many Memories, 166, 168; Peter Harnetty, “The Cotton Improvement Program in India, 1865–1875,” Agricultural History 44, no. 4 (October 1970): 389; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 156ff.

56Alfred Charles True, A History of Agricultural Experimentation and Research in the United States, 1607–1925 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1937): 41–42; 64, 184, 199, 218, 221, 251, 256; I. Newton Hoffmann, “The Cotton Futures Act,” Journal of Political Economy 23, no. 5 (May 1915): 482; Julia Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams: Irrigation and Cotton Growing in Southern Central Asia, 1860s to 1991 (unpublished manuscript, 2009), chapter 1, 66. 自1899年以来，埃及农业学校出版了一本《农业学会杂志》，以阿拉伯文提供这方面的资料。见Magazine of the Society of Agriculture and Agricultural School 1 (1899), in National Library, Cairo. See also L’Agriculture: Journal Agricole, Industrial, Commercial et Economique, published since 1891, mostly in Arabic, in National Library, Cairo; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt, 54.

57F. M. W. Schofield, “Note on Indian Cotton,” 12, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, Simla, December 15, 1888, in April 1889, Nos. 6–8, Part B, Fibres and Silk Branch, National Archive of India, New Delhi; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 155; C. N. Livanos, John Sakellaridis and Egyptian Cotton (Alexandria: A. Procaccia, 1939), 79; Harnetty, “The Cotton Improvement,” 383.

58Hazareesingh, “Cotton, Climate and Colonialism in Dharwar, Western India, 1840–1880,” 7.

59Bremer Handelsblatt, June 28, 1873, 229; W. F. Bruck, Türkische Baumwollwirtschaft: Eine Kolonialwirtschaftliche und -politische Untersuchung (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1919), 99; E. S. Symes, “Report on the Cultivation of Cotton in British Burma for the Year 1880–81,” Rangoon, Revenue Department, record group V/24/446, in Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.

60关于美国内战后的棉花出口情况，见“Cotton Production in Queensland from 1866 to 1917,” in A 8510–12/11, Advisory Council of Science and Industry Executive Committee, Cotton Growing, Correspondence with Commonwealth Board of Trade, National Archives of Australia; Adelaide Advertiser, January 11, 1904; Memorandum from Advisory Council to Commonwealth Board of Trade, September 13, 1918, in A 8510, 12/11, Advisory Council of Science and Industry Executive Committee, Cotton Growing, Correspondence with Commonwealth Board of Trade, National Archives of Australia; Theo Price, President, Price-Campbell Cotton Picker Corporation, New York to Advisory Council of Science and Industry, May 15, 1917, in NAA-A 8510–12/33, Advisory Council of Science and Industry Executive Committee, Cotton, Cotton Picker, National Archives of Australia; Sydney Evening News, March 17, 1920. 关于一般的论述，另见 Buehler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen Englands,” 111.

61See for example Rudolf Fitzner, “Einiges über den Baumwollbau in Kleinasien,” Der Tropenpflanzer 5 (1901), 530–36; Bruck, Türkische Baumwollwirtschaft, 3.

62See also Marc Bloch, “Pour une histoire comparée des sociétés européennes,” Revue de Synthèse Historique 46 (1928): 15–50.

63Michael Mann, “Die Mär von der freien Lohnarbeit: Menschenhandel und erzwungene Arbeit in der Neuzeit,” in Michael Mann, ed., Menschenhandel und unfreie Arbeit (Leipzig: Leipziger Universitätsverlag, 2003), 19; Marcel van der Linden, Workers of the World: Essays Toward a Global Labor History (Boston: Brill, 2008), 18–32, 52–54.

64Fields, “The Advent of Capitalist Agriculture,” 74; Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 95; Arnold Wright, ed., Twentieth Century Impressions of Egypt: Its History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resources (London: Lloyd’s Greater Britain Publishing Company, 1909), 281, 284; International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt, 95; Arno S. Pearse, Brazilian Cotton (Manchester: Printed by Taylor, Garnett, Evans & Co., 1921), 75, 81; Michael J. Gonzales, “The Rise of Cotton Tenant Farming in Peru, 1890–1920: The Condor Valley,” in Agricultural History 65, no. 1 (Winter 1991): 53, 58; George McCutcheon McBride, “Cotton Growing in South America,” Geographical Review 9, no. 1 (January 1920): 42; Toksöz, “The Çukurova,” 203, 246; Levant Trade Review 1, no. 1 (June 1911): as quoted in Toksöz, “The Çukurova,” 182.

65A. T. Moore, Inspector in Chief, Cotton Department, Report, in Proceedings, Part B, March 1875, No. 1/2, Fibres and Silk Branch, Agriculture and Commerce Department, Revenue, National Archives of India, New Delhi; David Hall-Matthews, “Colonial Ideologies of the Market and Famine Policy in Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, c. 1870–1884,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 36, no. 3 (1999): 307; A. E. Nelson, Central Provinces Gazetteers, Buldana District(Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1910), 228; Toksöz, “The Çukurova,” 272; Bruck, Türkische Baumwollwirtschaft, 41, 67.

66Klein and Engerman, “The Transition from Slave to Free Labor,” 255–70. This was a different system of labor than the one that emerged in the global sugar industry after emancipation. There, indentured workers took on a prominent role. The difference is probably related to the fact that sugar production is much more capital-intensive than the growing of cotton, and, moreover, because there are efficiencies of scale in sugar that do not exist in cotton. For the effects of emancipation on sugar, see especially Rebecca J. Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860–1899 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985); David Northrup, Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism, 1834–1922 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Frederick Cooper, Thomas C. Holt, and Rebecca J. Scott, Beyond Slavery: Explorations of Race, Labor, and Citizenship in Postemancipation Societies (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000).

67Cotton Supply Reporter (June 15, 1861): 530; M. J. Mathieu, De la culture du coton dans la Guyane française (Épinal: Alexis Cabasse, 1861); Le Courier du Havre, September 19, 1862, in Gen/56, Fonds Ministériels, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence. See also Cotton Supply Reporter (July 1, 1861): 554; Stephen S. Remak, La paix en Amérique (Paris: Henri Plon, 1865), 25–26. 关于苦力劳动力的问题，另见 Black Ball Line, Liverpool to Messrs. Sandbach, Tinne and Co., January 1, 1864, in Record Group D 176, folder A (various), Sandbach, Tinne & Co, Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool; Klein and Engerman, “The Transition from Slave to Free Labor,” 255–70; Alan Richards, Egypt’s Agricultural Development, 1800–1980: Technical and Social Change (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1981), 55, 61.

68William K. Meyers, Forge of Progress, Crucible of Revolt: Origins of the Mexican Revolution in La Comarca Lagunera, 1880–1911 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 4, 6, 33–34, 48, 51.

69Ibid., 40, 116–17, 120, 346; Werner Tobler, Die mexikanische Revolution: Gesellschaft-licher Wandel und politischer Umbruch, 1876–1940 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1984), 70ff.

70Meyers, Forge of Progress, 123–25, 131; for Peru, see Michael J. Gonzales, “The Rise of Cotton Tenant Farming in Peru, 1890–1920: The Condor Valley,” Agricultural History 65, no. 1 (Winter 1991): 71; for Egypt, see Mitchell, Rule of Experts.

71Toksöz, “The Çukurova,” 99.

72Manchester Chamber of Commerce, The Forty-Second Annual Report of the Board of Directors for the Year 1862 (Manchester: Cave & Server, 1863), 22; Rosa Luxemburg, “Die Akkumulation des Kapitals,” in Rosa Luxemburg, Gesammelte Werke, Band 5 (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1981), 311–12, 317; Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968), 72–75.

73Jürgen Osterhammel and Niels P. Petersson, Geschichte der Globalisierung: Dimensionen, Prozesse, Epochen (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2003), 70.

74Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 1875–1914 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1987), 40, 42, 45, 54, 59, 62, 66, 67, 69; Osterhammel and Petersson, Geschichte der Globalisierung, 69. See also Sven Beckert, “Space Matters: Eurafrica, the American Empire, and the Territorial Reorganization of European Capitalism, 1870–1960” (article in progress); Charles S. Maier, “Consigning the Twentieth Century to History: Alternative Narratives for the Modern Era,” American Historical Review 105, no. 3 (June 2000): 807–31; Oldham Master Cotton Spinners’ Association, Report of the Committee, for Year Ending December 31, 1901 (Oldham: Dornan, 1902), 5, in record group 6/2/1–61m, Papers of the Oldham Master Cotton Spinners’ Association, John Rylands Library, Manchester; Giovanni Arrighi, The Long Twentieth Century: Money, Power, and the Origins of Our Times (New York: Verso, 1994), 11; Jan-Frederik Abbeloos, “Belgium’s Expansionist History Between 1870 and 1930: Imperialism and the Globalisation of Belgian Business,” Munich Personal RePEc Archive Paper No. 11295 (posted October 30, 2008), accessed July 9, 2009, http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/11295/.

75International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt, 31; Commission Coloniale, “Rapport sur l’organisation du travail libre,” in 317/Gen 40/472, Fonds Ministérielle, Centre des archives d’outre-mer; Procès verbaux des séances de la commission du travail aux colonies, 1873–1874, 1105/Gen 127/473, Fonds Ministérielle, Centre des archives d’outre-mer, “Régime du travail dans les colonies, rapport, 1875,” in 1152/Gen 135/475, Fonds Ministérielle, Archives d’outre-mer; Liverpool Mercury, September 23, 1863, 6; Edward Atkinson, Cheap Cotton by Free Labor: By a Cotton Manufacturer (Boston: A. Williams & Co, 1861), 478. See also John Bright to Edward Atkinson, London, May 29, 1862, Box N 298, ibid. Note from the Ambassade d’Espagne à Paris, no date, 994/Gen 117/474, Fonds Ministérielle, Archives d’outre-mer; copy of a report by R. B. D. Morier to the Secretary of State, The Marquis of Salisbury, October 12, 1889, Compilations, Vol. 51, 1890, Compilation No. 476, “Establishment by the Russian Government of a Model Cotton Plantation in the Merva Oasis,” Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archive, Mumbai; Rinji Sangyo Chosa Kyoku [Special Department of Research on Industries], Chosen ni Okeru Menka ni Kansuru Chosa Seiseki [The Research on Cotton in Korea] (August 1918); No-Shomu Sho Nomu Kyoku [Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce, Department of Agriculture], Menka ni Kansuru Chosa [The Research on Cotton] (March 1913).

76许多其他国家也是如此。例如，在秘鲁，在内战和由此产生的产量大幅度扩大之后，佃农耕作和共享种植成为棉花生产的主要形式。见 Vincent Peloso, Peasants on Plantations: Subaltern Strategies of Labor and Resistance in the Pisco Valley, Peru (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999); Michael R. Haines, “Wholesale Prices of Selected Commodities: 1784–1998,” Table Cc205–266, in Susan B. Carter, Scott Sigmund Gartner, Michael R. Haines, Alan L. Olmstead, Richard Sutch, and Gavin Wright, eds., Historical Statistics of the United States, Earliest Times to the Present: Millennial Edition (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Peter Harnetty, Imperialism and Free Trade: Lancashire and India in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1972), 99.