1The Thirty-Ninth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1859 (Manchester: Cave & Sever, 1860), 18, 19, 22, 23, 33, 34, 38, 39, 45.
2“Liverpool. By Order of the Liverpool Cotton Association Ltd., Catalogue of the Valuable Club Furnishings etc. to be Sold by Auction by Marsh Lyons & Co., Tuesday, 17th December 1963,” Greater Manchester County Record Office, Manchester, UK.
3“Monthly Economic Letter: U.S. and Global Market Fundamentals,” Cotton Incorporated, accessed January 23, 2013, http://www.cottoninc.com/corporate/Market-Data/MonthlyEconomicLetter/; “The Fabric of Our Lives,” accessed July 1, 2012, http://www.thefabricofourlives.com/.
4在美国，绵羊平均提供的羊毛是7.3磅。“Fast Facts…About American Wool,” American Sheep Industry Association, accessed March 10, 2013, www.sheepusa.org.世界棉花作物的总重量除以这个数字，得出生产同样重量羊毛需要多少只羊。Government of South Australia, “Grazing livestock—a sustainable and productive approach,” Adelaide & Mt Lofty Ranges Natural Resource Management Board, accessed March 10, 2013, www.amlrnrm.sa.gov.au/Portals/2/landholders_info/grazing_web.pdf; “European Union,” CIA—The World Factbook, accessed March 16, 2013, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ee.html. 根据第一个来源，假设一公顷土地可以养活十只成年羊，如果一年中有十二个月可以放牧的话。这是用来计算养70亿只羊所需的土地面积，然后与欧盟的面积进行比较。根据《中央情报局世界实况手册》（CIA World Factbook），欧盟的面积为4324782平方公里。
5Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 5–6; see Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000).
6Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: Norton, 1998); David Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (New York: Norton, 1998); Niall Ferguson, The West and the Rest (New York: Allen Lane, 2011); Robert Brenner, “Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-industrial Europe,” Past and Present no. 70 (February 1976): 30–75; Robert Brenner, “The Agrarian Roots of European Capitalism,” Past and Present, no. 97 (November 1982): 16–113; E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Pantheon, 1963).
7有关于奴隶制和资本主义的活跃文献，包括 Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (New York: Russell & Russell, 1961); Rafael de Bivar Marquese, “As desventuras de um conceito: Capitalismo histórico e a historiografia sobre escravidão brasileira,” Revista de Historia 169 (July/December 2013), 223–53; Philip McMichael, “Slavery in the Regime of Wage Labor: Beyond Paternalism in the U.S. Cotton Culture,” Social Concept 6 (1991): 10–28; Barbara L. Solow and Stanley L. Engerman, British Capitalism and Caribbean Slavery: The Legacy of Eric Williams (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Norton, 1978); Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Dale Tomich, “The Second Slavery: Mass Slavery, World-Economy, and Comparative Microhistories,” Review: A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center 31, no. 3 (2008); Robin Blackburn, The American Crucible: Slavery, Emancipation and Human Rights (London: Verso, 2011).
8Cotton Supply Reporter, no. 37 (March 1, 1860): 33.
9Andrew Ure, The Cotton Manufacture of Great Britain Systematically Investigated, and Illustrated by 150 Original Figures, vol. 1 (London: Charles Knight, 1836), 67–68.
10Bruno Biedermann, “Die Versorgung der russischen Baumwollindustrie mit Baumwolle eigener Produktion” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1907), 4; Edward Atkinson, Cotton: Articles from the New York Herald (Boston: Albert J. Wright, 1877), 4.
11E. J. Donnell, Chronological and Statistical History of Cotton (New York: James Sutton & Co., 1872), v.
12关于这一主题有大量文献，包括 Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System, vol. 3, The Second Great Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy, 1730–1840s (San Diego: Academic Press, 1989); Dale W. Tomich, Slavery in the Circuit of Sugar: Martinique and the World Economy, 1830–1848 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990); Andre Gunder Frank, ReOrient: Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); Abdoulaye Ly, La théorisation de la connexion capitaliste des continents (Dakar: IFAAN, 1994); John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson, “The Imperialism of Free Trade,” Economic History Review, Second Series, 51 (1953): 1–15; Patrick Wolfe, “History and Imperialism: A Century of Theory,” American Historical Review 102 (April 1997): 388–420.
13Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 530–31.
14例如，见 Gene Dattel, Cotton and Race in the Making of America: The Human Costs of Economic Power (Chicago: Ivan Dee, 2009); Morris de Camp Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924).
15全球史文献正在蓬勃发展。然而，这并不是一项新发明。只要回忆一下早期的贡献，比如 Abdoulaye Ly, La Compagnie du Sénégal (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1958); Marc Bloch, “Toward a Comparative History of European Societies,” in Frederic Chapin Lane and Jelle C. Riemersma, eds., Enterprise and Secular Change: Readings in Economic History (Homewood, IL: R. D. Irwin, 1953); Williams, Capitalism and Slavery; C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins(London: Secker & Warburg, 1938). See also C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004); Jürgen Osterhammel, The Transformation of the World: A Global History of the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2014). For overviews of the literature see Sebastian Conrad, Globalgeschichte: Eine Einführung (Munich: Beck, 2013); Dominic Sachsenmaier, Global Perspectives in Global History: Theories and Approaches in a Connected World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Sven Beckert and Dominic Sachsenmaier, Global History Globally (forthcoming); Bruce Mazlich and Ralph Buultjens, Conceptualizing Global History(Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993); Jerry Bentley, “The Task of World History” (unpublished paper, in author’s possession). See also Robert C. Allen, The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Jan Luiten van Zanden, The Long Road to Industrial Revolution: The European Economy in a Global Perspective, 1000–1800 (Amsterdam: Brill, 2009) and the excellent work of Patrick O’Brien, for example, “European Economic Development: The Contribution of the Periphery,” Economic History Review, Second Series, 35 (February 1982): 1–18.
16近年来对商品的研究很多。尤见 Sydney Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York: Viking, 1985); Mark Kurlansky, Salt: A World History (New York: Walker and Co., 2002); Barbara Freese, Coal: A Human History (Cambridge, MA: Perseus, 2003); Pietra Rivoli, The Travels of a Tshirt in the Global Economy: An Economist Examines the Markets, Power and Politics of World Trade (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2005); Larry Zuckerman, The Potato: How the Humble Spud Rescued the Western World (Boston: Faber & Faber, 1998); Wolfgang Mönninghoff, King Cotton: Kulturgeschichte der Baumwolle (Düsseldorf: Artemis & Winkler, 2006); Mark Kurlansky, Cod: A Biography of the Fish That Changed the World (New York: Walker & Co., 1997); Allan Macfarlane and Gerry Martin, Glass: A World History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Stephen Yaffa, Big Cotton: How a Humble Fiber Created Fortunes, Wrecked Civilizations, and Put America on the Map (New York: Penguin, 2005); Erik Orsenna, Voyage aux pays du coton: Petit précis de mondialisation (Paris: Fayard, 2006); Iain Gateley, Tobacco: A Cultural History of How an Exotic Plant Seduced Civilization (New York: Grove, 2001); Heinrich Eduard Jacob, Kaffee: Die Biographie eines weltwirtschaftlichen Stoffes (Munich: Oekom Verlag, 2006). A beautiful discussion of the “biography of things” can be found in the 1929 discussion of Sergej Tretjakow, “Die Biographie des Dings,” in Heiner Boehnke, ed., Die Arbeit des Schriftstellers (Reinbeck: Ro-wolt, 1972), 81–86; more generally on commodities, see Jens Soentgen, “Geschichten über Stoffe,” Arbeitsblätter für die Sachbuchforschung (October 2005): 1–25; Jennifer Bair, “Global Capitalism and Commodity Chains: Looking Back, Going Forward,” Competition and Change 9 (June 2005): 153–80; Immanuel Wallerstein, Commodity Chains in the World-Economy, 1590–1790 (Binghamton, NY: Fernand Braudel Center, 2000). A good example for a successfully recast economic history is William Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: Norton, 1991). Good discussions on the rich historiography on the Industrial Revolution can be found in Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, chapter 2; William J. Ashworth, “The Ghost of Rostow: Science, Culture and the British Industrial Revolution,” Historical Science 46 (2008): 249–74. For an emphasis on the importance of the spatial aspects of capitalism see David Harvey, Spaces of Capital: Towards a Critical Geography (New York: Routledge, 2001).
第1章 一种全球性商品的兴起1这些小镇种植的棉花很可能是帕美里陆地棉（G. hirsutum Palmeri）,这种棉花生长在今天的墨西哥瓦哈卡州和格雷罗州。植物的描述来自 C. Wayne Smith and J. Tom Cothren, eds., Cotton: Origin, History, Technology, and Production (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1999), 11; Angus Maddison, The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective (Paris: Development Centre of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2001), 263; Frances F. Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico: Production, Distribution and Uses,” Mexican Studies 3 (1987): 241ff.; Joseph B. Mountjoy, “Prehispanic Cultural Development Along the Southern Coast of West Mexico,” in Shirley Goren-stein, ed., Greater Mesoamerica: The Archeology of West and Northwest Mexico (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2000), 106; Donald D. Brandt, “The Primitive and Modern Economy of the Middle Rio Balsas, Guerrero and Michoacan,” Eighth American Scientific Congress, Section 8, History and Geography (Washington, DC, 1940), Abstract; 16世纪墨西哥一包棉花的重量见 José Rodríguez Vallejo, Ixcatl, el algodón mexicano (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1976), 64.
2K. D. Hake and T. A. Kerby, “Cotton and the Environment,” Cotton Production Manual (UCANR Publications, 1996), 324–27; Frederick Wilkinson, The Story of the Cotton Plant (New York: D. Appleton & Company, 1899), 39.
3下面两个说法之间有轻微的不同：Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Norton, 1978), 14–15, and Jason Clay, World Agriculture and the Environment: A Commodity-by-Commodity Guide to Impacts and Practices (Washington, DC: Island Press, 2004), 284–87.
4Ralf Kittler, Manfred Kaysar, and Mark Stoneking, “Molecular Evolution of Pediculus humanus and the Origin of Clothing,” Current Biology 13 (August 19, 2003): 1414–15; 关于对纺织的更早的日期界定，请参见 Eliso Kvabadze et al., “30,000 Year-Old Wild Flax Fibres,” Science 11 (September 2009): 1359.
5Almut Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben: Entwicklung von Technik und Arbeit im Textilgewerbe (Reinbek: Rowohlt, 1981), 31–32; “Kleidung,” in Johannes Hoops, Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, vol. 16 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2000), 603–25; Mary Schoeser, World Textiles: A Concise History (New York: Thames & Hudson World of Art, 2003), 20; “Kleidung,” in Max Ebert, ed., Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, vol. 6 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1926), 380–94; Harry Bates Brown, Cotton: History, Species, Varieties, Morphology, Breeding, Culture, Diseases, Marketing, and Uses (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1938), 1.
6例如参见 T. W. Rhys Davids, trans., Vinaya Texts (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1885), 168; Georg Buehler, trans., The Sacred Laws of the Âryas (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1882), 165, 169, 170; Vijaya Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers in South India (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 1, 57; Doran Ross, ed., Wrapped in Pride: Ghanaian Kente and African American Identity (Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1998), 77; Frank Goldtooth, as recorded by Stanley A. Fishler, In the Beginning: A Navajo Creation Myth (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1953), 16; Aileen O’Bryan, The Dîné: Origin Myths of the Navajo Indians, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 163 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1956), 38; Francesca Bray, “Textile Production and Gender Roles in China, 1000–1700,” Chinese Science 12 (1995): 116; Anthony Winterbourne, When the Norns Have Spoken: Fate in Germanic Paganism (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2004), 96.
7C. L. Brubaker et al., “The Origin and Domestication of Cotton,” in C. Wayne Smith and J. Tom Cothren, eds., Cotton: Origin, History, Technology, and Production (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1999), 4, 5–6, 12, 17, 22; Wafaa M. Amer and Osama A. Momtaz, “Historic Background of Egyptian Cotton (2600 BC–AD 1910),” Archives of Natural History 26 (1999): 219.
8Thomas Robson Hay and Hal R. Taylor, “Cotton,” in William Darrach Halsey and Emanuel Friedman, eds., Collier’s Encyclopedia, with Bibliography and Index (New York: Macmillan Educational Co., 1981), 387; A. Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries, 4th ed., revised by J. R. Harris (London: Edward Arnold, 1962), 147; Richard H. Meadow, “The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Northwestern South Asia,” in David R. Harris, ed., The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Eurasia (London: UCL Press, 1996), 396; for a traditional Indian account of these classics, see S. V. Puntambekar and N. S. Varadachari, Hand-Spinning and Hand-Weaving: An Essay (Ahmedabad: All India Spinners’ Association, 1926), 1–9; James Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co., 1860), 1, 2–3; Brown, Cotton, 2; see Herodotus, The Histories, ed. A. R. Burn, trans. Aubrey de Sélincourt, rev. ed., Penguin Classics (Harmonds worth, UK: Penguin, 1972), 245; Arno S. Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India, Being the Report of the Journey to India (Manchester: Taylor, Garnett, Evans, 1930), 15; J. Forbes Royle, On the Culture and Commerce of Cotton in India and Elsewhere: With an Account of the Experiments Made by the Hon. East India Company up to the Present Time (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1851), 116ff.
9Brown, Cotton, 5; Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 65–70; Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Cotton Textiles in the Indian Subcontinent, 1200–1800,” in Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 23–25.
10H. Wescher, “Die Baumwolle im Altertum,” in Ciba-Rundschau 45 (June 1940): 1635; Alwin Oppel, Die Baumwolle (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1902), 206–7; Clinton G. Gilroy, The History of Silk, Cotton, Linen, Wool, and Other Fibrous Substances (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1845), 334; Marco Polo, Travels of Marco Polo (Westminster, MD: Modern Library, 2001), 174; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 56, 58.
11A. G. Hopkins, An Economic History of West Africa (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973), 48; M. D. C. Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924), 46; Amer and Momtaz, “Historic Background,” 212; Oppel, Die Baumwolle, 209; William H. Prescott, History of the Conquest of Peru (Westminster, MD: Modern Library, 2000), 51, 108, 300.
12Gilroy, History of Silk, 331–32; Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 353; Barbara L. Stark, Lynette Heller, and Michael A. Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth: Mesoamerican Economic Change from the Perspective of Cotton in South-Central Veracruz,” Latin American Antiquity 9 (March 1978): 9, 25, 27; Crawford, Heritage, 32, 35; Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 355; Barbara Ann Hall, “Spindle Whorls and Cotton Production at Middle Classic Matacapan and in the Gulf Lowlands,” in Barbara L. Stark and Philip J. Arnold III, eds., Olmec to Aztec: Settlement Patterns in the Ancient Gulf Lowlands (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1997), 117, 133, 134.
13Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, History of the Conquest of the Province of the Itza, 1st English edition, translated from the 2nd Spanish edition by Robert D. Wood (Culver City, CA: Labyrinthos, 1983), 197; Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 235–38, 239; Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 356; R. B. Handy, “History and General Statistics of Cotton,” in The Cotton Plant: Its History, Botany, Chemistry, Culture, Enemies, and Uses, prepared under the supervision of A. C. True, United States Department of Agriculture, Office of Experiment Stations, Bulletin 33 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1896), 63; United States, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, vol. 1 (Washington, DC: U.S. Dept. of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1975), Series K-550–563, “Hay, Cotton, Cottonseed, Shorn Wool, and Tobacco—Acreage, Production, and Price: 1790 to 1970,” 518; Hall, “Spindle Whorls,” 118; Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 14, 29.
14Brown, Cotton, 14; Kate Peck Kent, Prehistoric Textiles of the Southwest (Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 1983), 9, 27, 28, 29; the quote about blankets is from Ward Alan Minge, “Effectos del Pais: A History of Weaving Along the Rio Grande,” in Nora Fisher, ed., Rio Grande Textiles (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1994), 6; Kate Peck Kent, Pueblo Indian Textiles: A Living Tradition (Santa Fe, NM: School of American Research Press, 1983), 26; Crawford, Heritage, 37; David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change Since 1492 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 65, 89, 174; Mann, Cotton Trade, 4; Christopher Columbus, The Diario of Christopher Columbus’s first voyage to America: 1492–1493, abstracted by Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, transcribed and translated into English, with notes and a concordance of the Spanish, by Oliver Dunn and James E. Kelley Jr. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989), 131–35; see entries of October 16, November 3, and November 5, 1492, 85–91, 131, 135.
15Pliny the Elder, The Natural History of Pliny, vol. 4, trans. John Bostock and H. T. Riley (London: Henry G. Bohn, 1856), 134–35; Mann, Cotton Trade, 3; Christopher Ehret, The Civilizations of Africa: A History to 1800 (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002), 67–68; Ross, Wrapped in Pride, 75; Lars Sundström, The Trade of Guinea (Lund: Hakan Ohlssons Boktryckeri, 1965), 148; F. L. Griffith and G. M. Crowfoot, “On the Early Use of Cotton in the Nile Valley,” Journal of Egyptian Archeology 20 (1934): 7; Amer and Momtaz, “Historic Background,” 212, 214, 215, 217.
16M. Kouame Aka, “Production et circulation des cotonnades en Afrique de l’Ouest du XIème siècle a la fin de la conquette coloniale (1921)” (PhD dissertation, Université de Cocody-Abidjan, 2013), 18, 41; Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 176, 195, 201; Venice Lamb and Judy Holmes, Nigerian Weaving(Roxford: H. A. & V. M. Lamb, 1980), 15, 16; Marion Johnson, “Cloth Strips and History,” West African Journal of Archaeology 7 (1977): 169; Philip D. Curtin, Economic Change in Precolonial Africa: Senegambia in the Era of the Slave Trade(Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1975), 48; Marion Johnson, “Cloth as Money: The Cloth Strip Currencies of Africa,” in Dale Idiens and K. G. Pointing, Textiles of Africa (Bath: Pasold Research Fund, 1980), 201. Patricia Davison and Patrick Harries, “Cotton Weaving in South-east Africa: Its History and Technology,” in Idiens and Pointing, Textiles of Africa, 177, 179, 180; Marie Philiponeau, Le coton et l’Islam: Fil d’une histoire africaine (Algiers: Casbah Editions, 2009), 15, 17; Ross, Wrapped in Pride, 75; Rita Bolland, Tellem Textiles: Archaeological Finds from Burial Caves in Mali’s Bandiagara Cliff (Leiden: Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, 1991); Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa and of the Notable Things Therein Contained, Done in the English in the Year 1600 by John Pory, vol. 3 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1896), 823, 824.
17关于棉花有多个起源及其演化，见 Meadow, “Origins,” 397.
18Brown, Cotton, 8; Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry in the Later Middle Ages, 1100–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 11, 15, 17–18; Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials, 148; Hartmut Schmoekel, Ur, Assur und Babylon: Drei Jahrtausende im Zweistromland (Stuttgart: Gustav Klipper Verlag, 1958), 131; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 27; Richard W. Bulliet, Cotton, Climate, and Camels in Early Islamic Iran: A Moment in World History (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 1, 8, 46; Marco Polo, Travels, 22, 26, 36, 54, 58, 59, 60, 174, 247, 253, 255.
19Chao Kuo-Chun, Agrarian Policy of the Chinese Communist Party, 1921–1959 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1977), 5, 8ff.
20Craig Dietrich, “Cotton Culture and Manufacture in Early Ch’ing China,” in W. E. Willmott, ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1972), 111ff.; Mi Chü Wiens, “Cotton Textile Production and Rural Social Transformation in Early Modern China,” Journal of the Institute of Chinese Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong 7 (December 1974): 516–19; Frederick W. Mote and Denis Twitchett, eds., The Cambridge History of China, vol. 7, The Ming Dynasty, 1368–1644, part 1 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 256, 507; Kenneth Pomeranz, “Beyond the East-West Binary: Resituating Development Paths in the Eighteenth-Century World,” Journal of Asian Studies61 (May 2002): 569; United States, Historical Statistics, 518.
21Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–1680, vol. 1, The Lands Below the Winds (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988), 90; Crawford, Heritage, 7; William B. Hauser, Economic Institutional Change in Tokugawa Japan: Osaka and the Kinai Cotton Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 117–20; Mikio Sumiya and Koji Taira, eds., An Outline of Japanese Economic History, 1603–1940: Major Works and Research Findings (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1979), 99–100.
22Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 10, 29; Howard F. Cline, “The Spirit of Enterprise in Yucatan,” in Lewis Hanke, ed., History of Latin American Civilization, vol. 2 (London: Methuen, 1969), 137; Johnson, “Technology,” 259; Thomas J. Bassett, The Peasant Cotton Revolution in West Africa: Côte d’Ivoire, 1880–1995 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 33; James Forbes, Oriental Memoirs: A Narrative of Seventeen Years Residence in India, vol. 2 (London: Richard Bentley, 1834), 34; Moritz Schanz, “Die Baumwolle in Russisch-Asien,” Beihefte zum Tropenpflanzer 15 (1914): 2; on Korea see Tozaburo Tsukida, Kankoku ni okeru mensaku chosa (Tokyo: No-shomu sho noji shikenjyo, 1905), 1–3, 76–83.
23Oppel, Die Baumwolle, 201; Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 241; Hall, “Spindle Whorls,” 120; Sundström, Trade of Guinea, 147; Curtin, Economic Change, 50, 212; Brown, Cotton, 8; Reid, Southeast Asia, 93; Gilroy, History of Silk, 339; Carla M. Sinopoli, The Political Economy of Craft Production: Crafting Empire in South India, c. 1350–1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 185; A. Campbell, “Notes on the State of the Arts of Cotton Spinning, Weaving, Printing and Dyeing in Nepal,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Calcutta) 5 (January to December 1836): 222.
24Hall, “Spindle Whorls,” 115, 116, 120, 122, 124; Davison and Harries, “Cotton Weaving,” 182; Oppel, Die Baumwolle, 209; Prescott, Conquest of Peru, 51; Gilroy, History of Silk, 339, 343; Curtin, Economic Change, 213; Kent, Prehistoric Textiles, 35; Kent, Pueblo Indian, 28; Reid, Southeast Asia, 93; Sundström, Trade of Guinea, 148–49; Lamb and Holmes, Nigerian Weaving, 10–11; Johnson, “Technology,” 261.
25Reid, Southeast Asia, 94.
26Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 242, 259; Mote and Twitchett, Ming Dynasty, 507, 690ff.; K. N. Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” in Tirthankar Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce: Textiles in Colonial India (Waltnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1996), 71; Wiens, “Cotton Textile,” 520; Sinopoli, Political Economy, 177.
27Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 242; Bray, “Textile Production,” 119; Sundström, Trade of Guinea, 162; Curtin, Economic Change, 212; Davison and Harries, “Cotton Weaving,” 187; Johnson, “Cloth as Money,” 193–202; Reid, Southeast Asia, 90; Sundström, Trade of Guinea, 164; Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 9.
28Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 356; Bulliet, Cotton, Climate, and Camels, 46, 59; Philiponeau, Coton et l’Islam, 25; Pedro Machado, “Awash in a Sea of Cloth: Gujarat, Africa and the Western Indian Ocean Trade, 1300–1800,” in Riello and Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World, 161–79; the importance of traders’ distance from the polities they originated from is also emphasized by Gil J. Stein, Rethinking World-Systems: Diasporas, Colonies, and Interaction in Uruk Mesopotamia (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1999), 173.
29See Hall, “Spindle Whorls,” 115; Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 9; Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico,” 247ff., 258; Kent, Prehistoric Textiles, 28; Volney H. Jones, “A Summary of Data on Aboriginal Cotton of the Southwest,” University of New Mexico Bulletin, Symposium on Prehistoric Agriculture, vol. 296 (October 15, 1936), 60; Reid, Southeast Asia, 91; Sundström, Trade of Guinea, 147; Bassett, Peasant Cotton, 34; Curtin, Economic Change, 212–13; Halil Inalcik, “The Ottoman State: Economy and Society, 1300–1600,” in Halil Inalcik and Donald Quataert, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 296; Hauser, Economic Institutional Change, 59.
30Sundström, Trade of Guinea, 156, 157; Ramaswamy, Textiles, 25, 70–72; Chaudhuri, “Organisation,” 55; Inalcik, “Ottoman State,” 352; Mann, Cotton Trade, 2–3, 23; Smith and Cothren, Cotton, 68–69; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 24, 76; Wescher, “Die Baumwolle,” 1639; Gilroy, History of Silk, 321; John Peter Wild and Felicity Wild, “Rome and India: Early Indian Cotton Textiles from Berenike, Red Sea Coast of Egypt,” in Ruth Barnes, ed., Textiles in Indian Ocean Societies (New York: Routledge, 2005), 11–16; Surendra Gopal, Commerce and Crafts in Gujarat, 16th and 17th Centuries: A Study in the Impact of European Expansion on Precapitalist Economy (New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1975), 3; the quote on the Indo-Levant trade is in Inalcik, “Ottoman State,” 355, see also 350, 354, 355; Eliyahu Ashtor, “The Venetian Cotton Trade in Syria in the Later Middle Ages,” Studi Medievali, ser. 3, vol. 17 (1976): 690; Suraiya Faroqhi, “Crisis and Change, 1590–1699,” in Inalcik and Quataert, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 524; Eugen Wirt, “Aleppo im 19. Jahrhundert,” in Hans Geord Majer, ed., Osmanische Studien zur Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte(Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1986), 186–205; Sinopoli, Political Economy, 179.
31Crawford, Heritage, 6, 69; Reid, Southeast Asia, 90, 95; in Sinnappah Arasaratnam and Aniruddha Ray, Masulipatnam and Cambay: A History of Two Port-Towns, 1500–1800 (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1994), 121; 有关这一时期古吉拉特邦海外贸易和国内贸易的一些信息地图，见 Gopal, Commerce and Crafts, 16, 80, 160; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 9–11; Beverly Lemire, “Revising the Historical Narrative: India, Europe, and the Cotton Trade, c. 1300–1800,” in Riello and Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World, 226.
32B. C. Allen, Eastern Bengal District Gazetteers: Dacca (Allahabad: Pioneer Press, 1912), 106; Sinopoli, Political Economy, 186; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 75; Ramaswamy, Textiles, 44, 53, 55; Wiens, “Cotton Textile,” 522, 528; Yueksel Duman, “Notables, Textiles and Copper in Ottoman Tokat, 1750–1840” (PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton, 1998); Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 22; Max Freiherr von Oppenheim, Der Tell Halaf: Eine neue Kultur im ältesten Mesopotamien (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1931), 70; Sundström, Trade of Guinea, 147; Lamb and Holmes, Nigerian Weaving, 10; Curtin, Economic Change, 48; Aka, Production, 69; Youssoupha Mbargane Guissé, “Ecrire l’histoire économique des artisans et createurs de l’Afrique de l’Ouest” (presentation, Université Cheikh Anta Diop, Dakar, Senegal, December 2011); Hauser, Economic Institutional Change, 20–30.
33Chaudhuri, “Organisation,” 49, 51, 53; Hameeda Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers: Impact of the Conflict Between the Revenue and Commercial Interests of the East India Company, 1750–1800,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 117; Suraiya Faroqhi, “Notes on the Production of Cotton and Cotton Cloth in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Anatolia,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 267, 268; Inalcik, “Ottoman State”; Huri Islamoglu-Inan, State and Peasant in the Ottoman Empire: Agrarian Power Relations and Regional Economic Development in Ottoman Anatolia During the Sixteenth Century (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994), 223, 235; Socrates D. Petmezas, “Patterns of Protoindustrialization in the Ottoman Empire: The Case of Eastern Thessaly, ca. 1750–1860,” Journal of European Economic History (1991): 589; Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” in Burton Stein and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, eds., Institutions and Economic Change in South Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 96, 98; S. Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company: The Handloom Industry in Southeastern India, 1750–90,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 87; Bray, “Textile Production,” 127.
34Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 349; Angela Lakwete, Inventing the Cotton Gin: Machine and Myth in Antebellum America (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2005), 11–12; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 74–82, 89; Smith and Hirth, “Development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning,” 354–55; John H. A. Munro, Textiles, Towns and Trade: Essays in the Economic History of Late-Medieval England and the Low Countries (Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1994), 8, 15; Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, “The Cotton Industry of Northern Italy in the Late Middle Ages, 1150–1450,” Journal of Economic History 32 (1972): 274.
35Alan L. Olmstead and Paul W. Rhode, Creating Abundance: Biological Innovation and American Agricultural Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 108–9; John Hebron Moore, “Cotton Breeding in the Old South,” Agricultural History 30, no. 3 (July 1956): 95–104; John Hebron Moore, Agriculture in Ante-Bellum Mississippi (New York: Bookman Associates, 1958), 13–36, 97; Lewis Cecil Gray, History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860, vol. 2 (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1933), 689–90; James Lawrence Watkins, King Cotton: A Historical and Statistical Review, 1790 to 1908 (New York: J. L. Watkins, 1908), 13; Bassett, Peasant Cotton, 33; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 20–21; Bulliet, Cotton, Climate, and Camels, 40; Chaudhuri, “Organisation,” 75.
36Mahatma Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry: Its Past, Present and Future (Calcutta: G. N. Mitra, 1930), 6.
37As quoted in Henry Lee, The Vegetable Lamb of Tartary: A Curious Fable of the Cotton Plant (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle, & Rivington, 1887), 5.
38Mann, Cotton Trade, 5; Oppel, Die Baumwolle, 39; see also exhibits at Museu Tèxtil i d’Indumentària, Barcelona, Spain.
39十字军东征对棉纺织业传入欧洲至关重要，见“Baumwolle,” entry in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 1 (Munich: Artemis Verlag, 1980), 1670.
40Alfred P. Wadsworth and Julia De Lacy Mann, The Cotton Trade and Industrial Lancashire, 1600–1780 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1931), 15; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 263; Ashtor, “Venetian Cotton,” 677.
41在12世纪，棉花生产出现在法国南部、加泰罗尼亚，最重要的是意大利北部。参见 Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 268; Wescher, “Die Baumwolle,” 1643, 1644; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 114.
42Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 64, 66, 69; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 271, 273, 276; Wescher, “Die Baumwolle,” 1643.
43Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 7, 29, 63; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 265.
44Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 53; Ashtor, “Venetian Cotton,” 675, 676, 697; Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 35.
45Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 65–66, 74–82, 89; Lakwete, Inventing the Cotton Gin, 11–12; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 274, 275; Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben, 65–66, 37, 63, 67, 114, 115; Karl-Heinz Ludwig, “Spinnen im Mittelalter unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Arbeiten‚ cum rota,” Technikgeschichte 57 (1990): 78; Eric Broudy, The Book of Looms: A History of the Handloom from Ancient Times to the Present (Hanover, NH: Brown University Press, 1979), 102; Munro, Textiles, 8, 15.
46Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, xi, 29.
47Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 139, 144, 150, 152; Mazzaoui, “Cotton Industry,” 282, 284; Wolfgang von Stromer, Die Gründung der Baumwollindustrie in Mitteleuropa (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1978), 84–86; Eugen Nübling, Ulms Baumwollweberei im Mittelalter (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1890), 146.
48Von Stromer, Die Gründung, 32; Götz Freiherr von Poelnitz, Die Fugger (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1981); Richard Ehrenberg, Capital and Finance in the Age of the Renaissance: A Study of the Fuggers and Their Connections, trans. H. M. Lucas (New York: Harcourt, 1928).
49Von Stromer, Die Gründung, 1, 2, 8, 21, 128, 139, 148; Nübling, Ulms Baumwollweberei, 141; Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben, 152.
50Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 141; Von Stromer, Die Gründung, 88.
51Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 55, 54, 154; Wadsworth and Mann, Cotton Trade, 23; Inalcik, “Ottoman State,” 365; Daniel Goffman, “Izmir: From Village to Colonial Port City,” in Edhem Eldem, Daniel Goffman, and Bruce Masters, eds., The Ottoman City Between East and West: Aleppo, Izmir, and Istanbul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 79–134.
52Nübling, Ulms Baumwollweberei, 166.
第2章 缔造战争资本主义1我在这里使用“网络”一词，而不是“系统”或“世界系统”，因为我想强调地方社会、经济和政治权力分配对塑造世界各地之间联系性质的持续重要性。在这方面我受到下文的启发：Gil J. Stein, Rethinking World-Systems: Diasporas, Colonies, and Interaction in Uruk Mesopotamia (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1999), especially 171.
2Om Prakash, The New Cambridge History of India, vol. 2, European Commercial Enterprise in Pre-Colonial India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 23; Surendra Gopal, Commerce and Crafts in Gujarat, 16th and 17th Centuries: A Study in the Impact of European Expansion on Precapitalist Economy (New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1975), 10–11, 18, 26, 28, 58.
3Céline Cousquer, Nantes: Une capitale française des Indiennes au XVIIIe siècle (Nantes: Coiffard Editions, 2002), 17.
4Sinnappah Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company: The Handloom Industry in Southeastern India, 1750–90,” in Tirthankar Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce: Textiles in Colonial India (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1996), 90; James Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co., 1860), 2; Walter R. Cassels, Cotton: An Account of Its Culture in the Bombay Presidency (Bombay: Bombay Education Society’s Press, 1862), 77; Beverly Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite: The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain, 1660–1800 (Oxford: Pasold Research Fund, 1991), 15; Hameeda Hossain, The Company Weavers of Bengal: The East India Company and the Organization of Textile Production in Bengal, 1750–1813 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988), 65; Proceeding, Bombay Castle, November 10, 1776, in Bombay Commercial Proceedings, P/414, 47, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Stephen Broadberry and Bishnupriya Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence: Lancashire, India and Shifting Competitive Advantage, 1600–1850,” CEPR Discussion Paper No. 5183, London, Centre for Economic Policy Research, August 2005, Table 3, p. 32; Daniel Defoe and John McVeagh, A Review of the State of the British Nation, vol. 4, 1707–08 (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2006), 606.
5See for example Factory Records, Dacca, 1779, Record Group G 15, col. 21 (1779), in Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; John Irwin and P. R. Schwartz, Studies in Indo-European Textile History (Ahmedabad: Calico Museum of Textiles, 1966).
6K. N. Chaudhuri, “European Trade with India,” in The Cambridge Economic History of India, vol. 1, c. 1200–c. 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 405–6; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 92, 94; Copy of the Petition of Dadabo Monackjee, Contractor for the Investment anno 1779, in Factory Records, G 36 (Surat), 58, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Cousquer, Nantes, 31.
7Hameeda Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers: Impact of the Conflict Between the Revenue and Commercial Interests of the East India Company, 1750–1800,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 119, 117; Atul Chandra Pradhan, “British Trade in Cotton Goods and the Decline of the Cotton Industry in Orissa,” in Nihar Ranjan Patnaik, ed., Economic History of Orissa (New Delhi: Indus Publishing Co., 1997), 244; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 90; Shantha Hariharan, Cotton Textiles and Corporate Buyers in Cottonopolis: A Study of Purchases and Prices in Gujarat, 1600–1800 (Delhi: Manak Publications, 2002), 49.
8Memorandum of the Method of Providing Cloth at Dacca, 1676, in Factory Records, Miscellaneous, vol. 26, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
9Minutes of the Commercial Proceedings at Bombay Castle, April 15, 1800, in Minutes of Commercial Proceedings at Bombay Castle from April 15, 1800, to December 31, 1800, in Bombay Commercial Proceedings, P/414, Box 66, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Copy of the Petition of Dadabo Monackjee, 1779, Factory Records Surat, 1780, Box 58, record G 36 (Surat), Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Report of John Taylor on the Cotton Textiles of Dacca, Home Miscellaneous Series, 456, p. 91, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Lakshmi Subramanian, Indigenous Capital and Imperial Expansion: Bombay, Surat and the West Coast (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 15.
10John Styles, “What Were Cottons for in the Early Industrial Revolution?” in Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 307–26; Halil Inalcik, “The Ottoman State: Economy and Society, 1300–1600,” in Halil Inalcik and Donald Quataert, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 354; Pedro Machado, “Awash in a Sea of Cloth: Gujarat, Africa and the Western Indian Ocean Trade, 1300– 1800,” in Riello and Parthasarasi, The Spinning World, 169; Subramanian, Indigenous Capital, 4.
11Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry in the Later Middle Ages, 1100–1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 157.
12“Assessing the Slave Trade,” The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, accessed April 5, 2013, http://www.slavevoyages.org/tast/assessment/estimates.faces.
13David Richardson, “West African Consumption Patterns and Their Influence on the Eighteenth-Century English Slave Trade,” in Henry A. Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn, eds., The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York: Academic Press, 1979), 304; Joseph C. Miller, “Imports at Luanda, Angola 1785–1823,” in G. Liesegang, H. Pasch, and A. Jones, eds., Figuring African Trade: Proceedings of the Symposium on the Quantification and Structure of the Import and Export and Long-Distance Trade in Africa 1800–1913 (Berlin: Reimer, 1986), 164, 192; George Metcalf, “A Microcosm of Why Africans Sold Slaves: Akan Consumption Patterns in the 1770s,” Journal of African History28, no. 3 (January 1, 1987): 378–80.
14Harry Hamilton Johnston, The Kilima-Njaro Expedition: A Record of Scientific Exploration in Eastern Equatorial Africa (London: Kegan, Paul, Trench & Co., 1886), 45; the European traveler is quoted in Jeremy Prestholdt, “On the Global Repercussions of East African Consumerism,” American Historical Review 109, no. 3 (June 1, 2004): 761, 765; Robert Harms, The Diligent: A Voyage Through the Worlds of the Slave Trade (New York: Basic Books, 2002), 81; Miles to Shoolbred, 25 July 1779, T70/1483, National Archives of the UK, Kew, as quoted in Metcalf, “A Microcosm of Why Africans Sold Slaves,” 388.
15另参见 Carl Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit: The English Financial Revolution, 1620–1720 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011); Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, bk. IV, ch. VII, pt. II, vol. II, Edwin Cannan, ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 75.
16Mazzaoui, Italian Cotton, 162; Alfred P. Wadsworth and Julia De Lacy Mann, The Cotton Trade and Industrial Lancashire, 1600–1780 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1931), 116; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 5; Wolfgang von Stromer, Die Gründung der Baumwollindustrie in Mitteleuropa (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1978), 28; H. Wescher, “Die Baumwolle im Altertum,” in Ciba-Rundschau 45 (June 1940): 1644–45.
17Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 11, 15, 19, 21, 72.
18Ibid., 4, 5, 27, 29, 42, 55, 73. 羊毛制造业率先将这一举动带到欧洲农村。见 Herman van der Wee, “The Western European Woolen Industries, 1500–1750,” in David Jenkins, The Cambridge History of Western Textiles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 399.
19Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 36.
20Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 6; Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: Fisher, Fisher and Jackson, 1835), 109; Bernard Lepetit, “Frankreich, 1750–1850,” in Wolfram Fischer et al., eds, Handbuch der Europäischen Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, vol. 4 (Stuttgart: Klett-Verlag für Wissen und Bildung, 1993), 487.
21Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 187.
22For an overview of that trade see Elena Frangakis-Syrett, “Trade Between the Ottoman Empire and Western Europe: The Case of Izmir in the Eighteenth Century,” New Perspectives on Turkey 2 (1988): 1–18; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 304; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 23. Ellison 错误地断言“直到上个世纪结束前大约二十年，进口到英国的棉花几乎完全来自地中海，主要来自士麦那”; see Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain: Including a History of the Liverpool Cotton Market (London and Liverpool: Effingham Wilson, 1886), 81. On Thessaloniki see Nicolas Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956); Manchester Cotton Supply Association, Cotton Culture in New or Partially Developed Sources of Supply: Report of Proceedings (Manchester: Cotton Supply Association, 1862), 30, as quoted in Oran Kurmus, “The Cotton Famine and Its Effects on the Ottoman Empire,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 161; Resat Kasaba, The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy: The Nineteenth Century (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 21. 关于一般背景，见 Bruce McGowan, Economic Life in Ottoman Europe: Taxation, Trade and the Struggle for Land, 1600–1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
23Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 183; “Allotment of goods to be sold by the Royal African Company of England,” Treasury Department, T 70/1515, National Archives of the UK, Kew.
24Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 186; Lowell Joseph Ragatz, Statistics for the Study of British Caribbean Economic History, 1763–1833 (London: Bryan Edwards Press, 1927), 22; Lowell Joseph Ragatz, The Fall of the Planter Class in the British Caribbean (New York: Century Co., 1928), 39.
25关于奥斯曼帝国清楚的讨论，见 Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century (1700–1820) (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992), 14; Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siècle, 246.
26Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 429–31.
27Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 100; K. N. Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company, 1660–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 259; Debendra Bijoy Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 1757–1833 (Calcutta: Firma KLM Private Limited, 1978), 5; Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” in Burton Stein and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, eds., Institutions and Economic Change in South Asia(Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996), 89.
28Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 85; Diary, Consultation, 18 January 1796, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; 同样强调经济和政治力量的重要性 Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 4; B. C. Allen, Eastern Bengal District Gazetteers: Dacca (Allahabad: Pioneer Press, 1912), 38–39; Subramanian, Indigenous Capital, 202–3, 332.
29K. N. Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” in Roy, Cloth and Commerce, 59.
30Commercial Board Minute laid before the Board, Surat, September 12, 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.
31Copy of Letter from Gamut Farmer, President, Surat, to Mr. John Griffith, Esq., Governor in Council Bombay, December 12, 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 86; Board of Trade, Report of Commercial Occurrences, September 12, 1787, in Reports to the Governor General from the Board of Trade, RG 172, Box 393, Home Miscellaneous, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Letter from John Griffith, Bombay Castle to William [illegible], Esq., Chief President, October 27, 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archives; Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers,” 121, 125; Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 9; Dispatch, London, May 29, 1799, in Bombay Dispatches, E/4, 1014, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
32Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” 99–100; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 107, 109; Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” 58–59; Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company, 261.
33Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 102, 107; Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 48; Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers,” 124–25.
34Bowanny Sankar Mukherjee as quoted in Hossain, “The Alienation of Weavers,” 129; Om Prakah, “Textile Manufacturing and Trade Without and with Coercion: The Indian Experience in the Eighteenth Century” (unpublished paper, Global Economic History Network Conference Osaka, December 2004), 26, accessed July 3, 2013, http://www.lse.ac.uk/economicHistory/Research/GEHN/GEHNPDF/PrakashGEHN5.pdf; Hossain, The Company Weavers of Bengal, 52; Vijaya Ramaswamy, Textiles and Weavers in South India (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), xiii, 170; Copy of Letter from Board of Directors, London, April 20, 1795, to our President in Council at Bombay, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.
35同样强调抗拒的重要性：Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 7; the importance of mobility is stressed by Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company, 252; Arasaratnam, “Weavers, Merchants and Company,” 103; see also Details Regarding Weaving in Bengal, Home Miscellaneous Series, 795, pp. 18–22, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
36Commercial Board Minute laid before the Board, Surat, September 12, 1795, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Homes Miscellaneous Series, 795, pp. 18–22, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. See also Parthasarathi, “Merchants and the Rise of Colonialism,” 94.
37Amalendu Guha, “The Decline of India’s Cotton Handicrafts, 1800–1905: A Quantitative Macro-study,” Calcutta Historical Journal 17 (1989): 41–42; Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” 60; in 1786–87 it was estimated that 16,403 weavers were active in and around Dhaka. Homes Miscellaneous Series, 795, pp. 18–22, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Diary, Consultation, January 18, 1796, in Surat Factory Diary No. 53, part 1, 1795–1796, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.
38Dispatch from East India Company, London to Bombay, March 22, 1765, in Dispatches to Bombay, E/4, 997, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London, p. 611.
39Report of the Select Committee of the Court of Directors of the East India Company, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Manufacture of this Country, 1793, Home Miscellaneous Series, 401, p. 1, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
40Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 430; Inalcik, “The Ottoman State,” 355.
41M. D. C. Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924), xvii; the parliamentary debate is quoted in Cassels, Cotton, 1; the pamphlet is quoted in Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 75; Defoe and McVeagh, A Review of the State of the British Nation, vol. 4, 605–6; Copy of Memorial of the Callicoe Printers to the Lords of the Treasury, Received, May 4, 1779, Treasury Department, T 1, 552, National Archives of the UK, Kew. See, along very similar lines, “The Memorial of the Several Persons whose Names are herunto subscribed on behalf of themselves and other Callico Printers of Great Britain,” received July 1, 1780, at the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty’s Treasury, Treasury Department, T1, 563/72–78, National Archives of the UK, Kew.
42As quoted in S. V. Puntambekar and N. S. Varadachari, Hand-Spinning and Hand-Weaving: An Essay (Ahmedabad: All India Spinners’ Association, 1926), 49, 51ff., 58; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 431–32; Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton, xvii; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 79; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 132; Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton, xvii; Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite, 42; Petition to the Treasury by Robert Gardiner, in Treasury Department, T1, 517/ 100–101, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 128; Letter of Vincent Mathias to the Treasury, July 24, 1767, Treasury Department, T 1, 457, National Archives of the UK, Kew.
43Cousquer, Nantes, 12, 23, 43; Arrêt du conseil d’état du roi, 10 juillet 1785 (Paris: L’Imprimerie Royale, 1785); André Zysberg, Les Galériens: Vies et destiny de 60,000 porçats sur les galeres de France, 1680–1748 (Paris: Sevid, 1987); Marc Vigié, Les Galériens du Roi, 1661–1715 (Paris: Fayard, 1985).
44Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 118–19; Examen des effets que doivent produire dans le commerce de France, l’usage et la fabrication des toiles peintes (Paris: Chez la Veuve Delaguette, 1759); Friedrich Wilhelm, King of Prussia, Edict dass von Dato an zu rechnen nach Ablauf acht Monathen in der Chur-Marck Magdeburgischen, Halberstadtschem und Pommern niemand einigen gedruckten oder gemahlten Zitz oder Cattun weiter tragen soll (Berlin: G. Schlechtiger, 1721); Yuksel Duman, “Notables, Textiles and Copper in Ottoman Tokat, 1750–1840” (PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton, 1998), 144–45.
45François-Xavier Legoux de Flaix, Essai historique, géographique et politique sur l’Indoustan, avec le tableau de son commerce, vol. 2 (Paris: Pougin, 1807), 326; Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite, 3–42.
46See also George Bryan Souza, “Convergence Before Divergence: Global Maritime Economic History and Material Culture,” International Journal of Maritime History 17, no. 1 (2005): 17–27; Georges Roques, “La manière de négocier dans les Indes Orientales,” Fonds Français 14614, Bibliothèque National, Paris; Paul R. Schwartz, “L’impression sur coton à Ahmedabad (Inde) en 1678,” Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse, no. 1 (1967): 9–25; Cousquer, Nantes, 18–20; Jean Ryhiner, Traité sur la fabrication et le commerce des toiles peintes, commencés en 1766, Archive du Musée de l’Impression sur Étoffes, Mulhouse, France. See also the 1758 Réflexions sur les avantages de la libre fabrication et de l’usage des toiles peintes en France (Geneva: n.p., 1758), Archive du Musée de l’Impression sur Etoffes, Mulhouse, France; M. Delormois, L’art de faire l’indienne à l’instar d’Angleterre, et de composer toutes les couleurs, bon teint, propres à l’indienne (Paris: Charles-Antoine Jambert, 1770); Legoux de Flaix, Essai historique, vol. 2, 165, 331, as quoted in Florence d’Souza, “Legoux de Flaix’s Observations on Indian Technologies Unknown in Europe,” in K. S. Mathew, ed., French in India and Indian Nationalism, vol. 1 (Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation, 1999), 323–24.
47Dorte Raaschou, “Un document Danois sur la fabrication des toiles Peintes à Tranquebar, aux Indes, à la fin du XVIII siècle,” in Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse, no. 4 (1967): 9–21; Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 119; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 432; Philosophical Magazine 30 (1808): 259; Philosophical Magazine 1 (1798): 4. See also S. D. Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1972), 12; Philosophical Magazine 1 (1798): 126.
48Cotton Goods Manufacturers, Petition to the Lords Commissioner of His Majesty’s Treasury, Treasury Department, T 1, 676/30, National Archives of the UK, Kew; Dispatch, November 21, 1787, Bombay Dispatches, E/4, 1004, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
49Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 16.
50Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 262; Irwin and Schwartz, Studies in Indo-European Textile History, 12. 我们知道，在整个18世纪，奴隶是非洲最重要的“出口品”，占贸易总额的80%至90%。J. S. Hogendorn and H. A. Gemery, “The ‘Hidden Half’ of the Anglo-African Trade in the Eighteenth Century: The Significance of Marion Johnson’s Statistical Research,” in David Henige and T. C. McCaskie, eds., West African Economic and Social History: Studies in Memory of Marion Johnson (Madison: African Studies Program, University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 90; Extract Letter, East India Company, Commercial Department, London, to Bombay, May 4, 1791, in Home Miss. 374, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Cousquer, Nantes, 32; de Flaix is quoted in Richard Roberts, “West Africa and the Pondicherry Textile Industry,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 142.
51Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 116, 127, 147; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 434–35, 448; Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, bk. IV, ch. I, vol. I, 470.
52Wadsworth and Mann, The Cotton Trade, 122, 131, 151, 154; Extract Letter to Bombay, Commercial Department, May 4, 1791, in Home Miscellaneous 374, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
53Maurice Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1947), 277; George Unwin, in introduction to George W. Daniels, The Early English Cotton Industry (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1920), xxx. This is brilliantly shown by Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson, “The Rise of Europe: Atlantic Trade, Institutional Change and Economic Growth,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 9378, December 2002. 然而，他们所缺少的是战争资本主义制度在欧洲核心之外的世界其他地区的持续重要性。
54See here the important work of Wennerlind, Casualties of Credit, esp. 223–25; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 478–79; P. K. O’Brien and S. L. Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens,” in Barbara Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 191.
55Cited in Peter Spencer, Samuel Greg, 1758–1834 (Styal, Cheshire, UK: Quarry Bank Mill, 1989).
56See for example Kevin H. O’Rourke and Jeffrey G. Williamson, “After Columbus: Explaining Europe’s Overseas Trade Boom, 1500–1800,” Journal of Economic History 62 (2002): 417–56; Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Giraldez, “Path Dependence, Time Lags and the Birth of Globalization: A Critique of O’Rourke and Williamson,” European Review of Economic History 8 (2004): 81–108; Janet Abu-Lughod, The World System in the Thirteenth Century: Dead-End or Precursor?(Washington, DC: American Historical Association, 1993); Andre Gunder Frank, ReOrient: Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). 我同意 Joseph E. Inikori 的观点，他主张“全球商品生产综合进程”对全球化历史的重要性。见 Joseph E. Inikori, “Africa and the Globalization Process: Western Africa, 1450–1850,” Journal of Global History (2007): 63–86.
57Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 20.
第3章 战争资本主义的收益1Anthony Howe, The Cotton Masters, 1830–1860 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), 41; Michael James, From Smuggling to Cotton Kings: The Greg Story (Cirencester, UK: Memoirs, 2010), 4, 8–9, 37–40; Mary B. Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill: The Rise and Decline of a Family Firm, 1750–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 5.
2Caitlin C. Rosenthal, “Slavery’s Scientific Management: Accounting for Mastery,” in Sven Beckert and Seth Rockman, eds., Slavery’s Capitalism: A New History of American Economic Development (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming, 2015). A good discussion of the importance of slavery to industrialization can also be found in Robin Blackburn, The American Crucible: Slavery, Emancipation and Human Rights (London: Verso, 2011), 104–7.
3The importance of the Atlantic trade in the great divergence is also emphasized by Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson, “The Rise of Europe: Atlantic Trade, Institutional Change and Economic Growth,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 9378, December 2002, esp. 4; 英国社会参与奴隶制的深度及其从中获得的重大物质利益体现，参见 Nicholas Draper, The Price of Emancipation: Slave-Ownership, Compensation and British Society at the End of Slavery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).
4Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill, 15–16, 20. He was, in fact, as his biographer Mary B. Rose argued, “responding to the growing demand for cloth”—a demand that he knew of firsthand. See Mary B. Rose, “The Role of the Family in Providing Capital and Managerial Talent in Samuel Greg and Company, 1784–1840,” Business History 19, no. 1 (1977): 37–53.
5James, From Smuggling to Cotton Kings, 21. For the conversion: Eric Nye, “Pounds Sterling to Dollars: Historical Conversion of Currency,” University of Wyoming, accessed January 9, 2013, http://www.uwyo.edu/numimage/currency.htm. 事实上，在1801到1804年之间，格雷格59%的产品销往美国；见 Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill, 24, 28, 30,33. For interest rates on bonds see David Stasavage, Public Debt and the Birth of the Democratic State: France and Great Britain, 1688–1789 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 96.
6See David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technical Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present, 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); David Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (New York: Norton, 1998); Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The West and the Rest (New York: Penguin, 2011); Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: Norton, 1998). For an overview see also Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), chapter 2.
7M. D. C. Crawford, The Heritage of Cotton: The Fibre of Two Worlds and Many Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1924), v; Angus Maddison, The World Economy: A Millennial Perspective (Paris: Development Centre of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2001), 27. 即使有人强调工业革命加大经济增长的速度并不快，比如 Nicholas Crafts，仍然认为这是“加快全要素生产率增长”的分水岭。见 Nicholas Crafts, “The First Industrial Revolution: Resolving the Slow Growth/Rapid Industrialization Paradox,” Journal of the European Economic Association 3, no. 2/3 (May 2005): 525–39, here 533. But see Peter Temin, “Two Views of the Industrial Revolution,” Journal of Economic History 57 (March 1997): 63–82, 以重申工业革命对整个英国经济的影响。关于工业革命的解释几乎和关于它的书一样多。有关详细概述，请参阅 Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, chapter 2. 但长期而缓慢的文化或体制变革并不能解释英国与世界其他地区的迅速分化。
8Peter Spencer, Samuel Greg, 1758–1834 (Styal: Quarry Bank Mill, 1989), 6.
9Maurice Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1964), 294; Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 1789–1848 (London: Abacus, 1977), 49; Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill, 7; Stephen Broadberry and Bishnupriya Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence: Lancashire, India and Shifting Competitive Advantage, 1600–1850,” CEPR Discussion Paper No. 5183, London, Centre for Economic Policy Research, August 2005, 7.
10Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 27. Robert C. Allen 正确地强调了对作为工业革命核心驱动力的更高效机械的需求的重要性。然而，对机器需求最终来自于棉花商品巨大市场的存在和英国资本家为其服务的能力。见 Robert C. Allen, The British Industrial Revolution in Global Perspective (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), for example p. 137.
11关于对这一论据最好的解说，见 Allen, The British Industrial Revolution; See also Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence”; K. N. Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” in Tirthankar Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce: Textiles in Colonial India (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1996), 74; Friedrich Hassler, Vom Spinnen und Weben (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1952), 7.
12Almut Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben: Entwicklung von Technik und Arbeit im Textilgewerbe (Reinbeck: Rowohlt, 1981), 25, 201.
13Mike Williams and D. A. Farnie, Cotton Mills in Greater Manchester (Preston, UK: Carnegie, 1992), 9.
14S. & W. Salte to Samuel Oldknow, November 5, 1787, Record Group SO/1,265, Oldknow Papers, John Rylands Library, Manchester.
15S. D. Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1972), 20; Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 23.
16Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London; H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835) 353; Price of Mule Yarn from 1796 to 1843 sold by McConnel & Kennedy, Manchester, in McConnel & Kennedy Papers, record group MCK, file 3/3/8, John Rylands Library, Manchester; C. Knick Harley, “Cotton Textile Prices and the Industrial Revolution,” Economic History Review, New Series, 51, no. 1 (February 1998): 59.
17这些数字只是估计数字。See Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 8, 26; Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 22, 29; Howe, The Cotton Masters, 6.
18Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 46; Allen, The British Industrial Revolution, 191; Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism, 269; Salvin Brothers of Castle Eden Co., Durham, to McConnel & Kennedy, Castle Eden, July 22, 1795, Letters, 1795, record group MCK, box 2/1/1, in McConnel & Kennedy Papers, John Rylands Library, Manchester.
19Patrick O’Brien, “The Geopolitics of a Global Industry: Eurasian Divergence and the Mechanization of Cotton Textile Production in England,” in Giorgio Riello and Prasannan Parthasarathi, eds., The Spinning World: A Global History of Cotton Textiles, 1200–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 360. See also, Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism, 258.
20例如，大曼彻斯特地区的第一家“大型专用棉纺厂”就是1782年左右建造的舒德尔棉纺厂。它有两百英尺长，三十英尺宽，五层楼高。See Williams and Farnie, Cotton Mills in Greater Manchester, 50; Stanley D. Chapman, The Early Factory Masters: The Transition to the Factory System in the Midlands Textile Industry (Newton Abbot, Devon, UK: David & Charles, 1967), 65.
21Williams and Farnie, Cotton Mills in Greater Manchester, 4–9; Harold Catling, The Spinning Mule (Newton Abbot, Devon, UK: David & Charles, 1970), 150.
22Charles Tilly, “Social Change in Modern Europe: The Big Picture,” in Lenard R. Berlanstein, ed., The Industrial Revolution and Work in Nineteenth-Century Europe (London and New York: Routledge, 1992), 53.
23M. Elvin, “The High-Level Equilibrium Trap: The Causes of the Decline of Invention in the Traditional Chinese Textile Industries,” in W. E. Willmott, ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1972), 137ff. See also Sucheta Mazumdar, Sugar and Society in China: Peasants, Technology and the World Market (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 183; Philip C. C. Huang, The Peasant Family and Rural Development in the Yangzi Delta, 1350–1988 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990), 44.
24For this argument see Roy Bin Wong, China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997); Chaudhuri, “The Organisation and Structure of Textile Production in India,” 57.
25Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill, 39–40; Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 29; William Emerson to McConnel & Kennedy, Belfast, December 8, 1795, in John Rylands Library, Manchester.
26Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 29, 32; Howe, The Cotton Masters, 9, 11–12.
27A. C. Howe, “Oldknow, Samuel (1756–1828),” in H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison, eds., Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004); George Unwin, Samuel Oldknow and the Arkwrights: The Industrial Revolution at Stockport and Marple (New York: A. M. Kelley, 1968), 2, 6, 45, 107, 123, 127, 135, 140.
28Chapman, The Cotton Industry in the Industrial Revolution, 31, 37–41; Howe, The Cotton Masters, 24, 27; M. J. Daunton, Progress and Poverty: An Economic and Social History of Britain, 1700–1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 199; Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism, 268.
29Partnership Agreement Between Benjamin Sanford, William Sanford, John Kennedy, and James McConnel, 1791: 1/2; Personal Ledger, 1795–1801: 3/1/1, Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John Rylands Library, Manchester.
30N. F. R. Crafts, British Economic Growth During the Industrial Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 22; Bohnsack, Spinnen und Weben, 26; Allen, The British Industrial Revolution, 182; Howe, The Cotton Masters, 1, 51.
31Fernand Braudel, Afterthoughts on Material Civilization and Capitalism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977), 109.
32Beverly Lemire, Fashion’s Favourite: The Cotton Trade and the Consumer in Britain, 1660–1800 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991).
33Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 335; R. C. Allen and J. L. Weisdorf, “Was There an ‘Industrious Revolution’ Before the Industrial Revolution? An Empirical Exercise for England, c. 1300–1830,” Economic History Review 64, no. 3 (2011): 715–29; P. K. O’Brien and S. L. Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens,” in Barbara Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 184, 188, 200; Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 5; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 349–50; For the general point see Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 436, 450; Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 49. The table on page 74 is based on figures in Tables X and XI in Elizabeth Boody Schumpeter and T. S. Ashton, English Overseas Trade Statistics, 1697–1808(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960), 29–34. Table X provides values of the principal English exports of textile goods, excluding woolens, for the years 1697 to 1771, 1775, and 1780 in pounds sterling. Table XI provides quantities and values of the principal British exports of textile goods, excluding woolens, for 1772–1807 in pounds sterling, with the years 1772–91 including England and Wales and 1792–1807 including all of Great Britain.
34O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 185; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 349.
35Debendra Bijoy Mitra, The Cotton Weavers of Bengal, 1757–1833 (Calcutta: Firm KLM Private Ltd., 1978), 25; John Taylor, Account of the District of Dacca by the Commercial Resident Mr. John Taylor in a Letter to the Board of Trade at Calcutta dated 30th November 1800 with P.S. 2 November 1801 and Inclosures, In Reply to a Letter from the Board dated 6th February 1798 transmitting Copy of the 115th Paragraph of the General Letter from the Court of Directors dated 9th May 1797 Inviting the Collection of Materials for the use of the Company’s Historiographer, Home Miscellaneous Series, 456, Box F, pp. 111–12, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; The Principal Heads of the History and Statistics of the Dacca Division (Calcutta: E. M. Lewis, 1868), 129; Shantha Harihara, Cotton Textiles and Corporate Buyers in Cottonopolis: A Study of Purchases and Prices in Gujarat, 1600–1800 (Delhi: Manak, 2002), 75; “Extracts from the Reports of the Reporter of External Commerce in Bengal; from the year 1795 to the latest Period for which the same can be made up,” in House of Commons Papers, vol. 8 (1812–13), 23. See also Konrad Specker, “Madras Handlooms in the Nineteenth Century,” in Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce, 179; G. A. Prinsep, Remarks on the External Commerce and Exchanges of Bengal (London: Kingsbury, Parbury, and Allen, 1823), 28; “The East-India and China Trade,” Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British India and Its Dependencies 28, no. 164 (August 1829): 150.
36O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 177–209; Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, 445, 447–48; Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 266; Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 263.
37我们进一步阐释：正如许多观察家所言，机构非常重要。然而，问题是如何界定这些机构，并将其产生植根于特定的历史进程。机构不是历史行为者“意志”的问题；相反，它们是若干因素汇合的结果，而且最重要的是，是社会力量特别平衡的结果。正如我们将在后面几章中看到的那样，世界许多地区的社会和政治结构并不适合接受工业资本主义或通常与之相适应的机构。The report of the French commission is cited in Henry Brooke Parnell, On Financial Reform, 3rd ed. (London: John Murray, 1832), 84; William J. Ashworth, “The Ghost of Rostow: Science, Culture and the British Industrial Revolution,” History of Science 156 (2008): 261.
38On the Royal Navy, see O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 189–90. 在此，我同意最近强调机构至关重要的文献。The argument has been made most persuasively by Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty (New York: Crown Business, 2012). 然而，根据 Acemouglu 和 Robinson 的说法，这些机构仍然有些不确定，它们自己的历史（以及它们的战争资本主义起源）仍然不明。关于坚持机构的重要性，另见 Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The Six Killer Apps of Western Power (London: Penguin, 2012).
39See here also the intriguing argument by Acemoglu et al., “The Rise of Europe.”
40Howe, The Cotton Masters, 90, 94.
41Petition of manufacturers of calicoes, muslins and other cotton goods in Glasgow asking for extension of exemption for Auction Duty Act, July 1, 1789 (received), Treasury Department, record group T 1, 676/30, National Archives of the UK, Kew.
42See Allen, The British Industrial Revolution, 5.
43Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 321–29.
44Ibid., 503–4; William J. Ashworth, Customs and Excise Trade, Production, and Consumption in England, 1640–1845 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 4, 8; O’Brien and Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy,” 206; Edinburgh Review, or Critical Journal 61 (July 1835): 455.
45利用 Kenneth Pomeranz 提供的数字（只能视为粗略估计），精确倍数为417。Pomeranz, The Great Divergence, 139, 337; Kenneth Pomeranz, “Beyond the East-West Binary: Resituating Development Paths in the Eighteenth-Century World,” Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 2 (May 1, 2002): 569; Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain, 215.
46Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution, 44; Thomas Ashton to William Rathbone VI, Flowery Fields, January 17, 1837, Record Group RP.IX.1.48–63, Rathbone Papers, University of Liverpool, Special Collections and Archives, Liverpool; the English visitor is quoted in Asa Briggs, Victorian Cities (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970), 89; Alexis de Tocqueville, Journeys to England and Ireland, trans. George Lawrence and K. P. Mayer, ed. K. P. Mayer (London: Transaction Publishers, 2003), 107–8; Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, Query XIX.
47Dale Tomich and Michael Zeuske, “The Second Slavery: Mass Slavery, World-Economy, and Comparative Microhistories,” Review: A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center 31, no. 3 (2008), 91–100; Michael Zeuske, “The Second Slavery: Modernity, Mobility, and Identity of Captives in Nineteenth-Century Cuba and the Atlantic World,” in Javier Lavina and Michael Zeuske, eds., The Second Slavery: Mass Slaveries and Modernity in the Americas and in the Atlantic Basin (Berlin, Münster, and New York: LIT Verlag, 2013); Dale Tomich, Rafael Marquese, and Ricardo Salles, eds., Frontiers of Slavery (Binghamton: State University of New York Press, forthcoming).
48J. De Cordova, The Cultivation of Cotton in Texas: The Advantages of Free Labour, A Lecture Delivered at the Town Hall, Manchester, on Tuesday, the 28th day of September, 1858, before the Cotton Supply Association (London: J. King & Co., 1858), 70–71.
第4章 攫取劳动力和土地1A. Moreau de Jonnes, “Travels of a Pound of Cotton,” Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British India and Its Dependencies 21 (January–June 1826) (London: Kingsbury, Parbury & Allen, 1826), 23.
2J. T. Danson, “On the Existing Connection Between American Slavery and the British Cotton Manufacture,” Journal of the Statistical Society of London 20 (March 1857): 6, 7, 19. For a similar argument see also Elisée Reclus, “Le coton et la crise Améri-caine,” Revue des Deux Mondes 37 (1862): 176, 187. 关于资本主义和奴隶制之间关系，以下作品也有讨论：Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism: The Rise and Demise of the U.S. Ante-Bellum Cotton Culture,” Theory and Society 20 (June 1991): 321–49; Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); and Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994).
3“Cotton, Raw, Quantity Consumed and Manufactured,” in Levi Woodbury, United States Deptartment of the Treasury, Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury transmitting Tables and Notes on the Cultivation, Manufacture, and Foreign Trade of Cotton (1836), 40.
4关于“第二次奴隶制”的概念，见 Dale Tomich, “The Second Slavery: Mass Slavery, World-Economy, and Comparative Histories,” Review: A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center 31, no. 3 (2008). For the commodity frontier see Jason W. Moore, “Sugar and the Expansion of the Early Modern World-Economy: Commodity Frontiers, Ecological Transformation, and Industrialization,” Review: A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center 23, no. 3 (2000): 409–33. See also Robin Blackburn, The American Crucible: Slavery, Emancipation and Human Rights (London: Verso, 2011), 22.
5On cotton growing in France see C. P. De Lasteyrie, Du cotonnier et de sa culture (Paris: Bertrand, 1808); Notice sur le coton, sa culture, et sur la posibilité de le cultiver dans le département de la Gironde, 3rd ed. (Bordeaux: L’Imprimerie de Brossier, 1823); on this effort see also Morris R. Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton and Cotton Statistics of the World (New Orleans: W. B. Stansbury & Co., 1884), 48. On efforts to grow cotton in Lancashire see John Holt, General View of the Agriculture of the County of Lancaster (London: G. Nicol, 1795), 207.
6N. G. Svoronos, Le commerce de Salonique au XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956), 67; Bombay Dispatches, IO/E/4, 996, pp. 351, 657; British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Eliyahu Ashtor, “The Venetian Cotton Trade in Syria in the Later Middle Ages,” Studi Medievali, ser. 3, vol. 17 (1976): 676, 682, 686.
7In 1790, the cotton consumption of Great Britain amounted to 30.6 million pounds. Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 215, 347, 348; Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Effingham Wilson, Royal Exchange, 1886), 49; Joel Mokyr, The Lever of Riches: Technological Creativity and Economic Progress (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 99; Bernard Lepetit, “Frankreich, 1750–1850,” in Wolfram Fischer et al., eds, Handbuch der Europäischen Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, vol. 4 (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1993), 487; Bremer Handelsblatt 2 (1851): 4.
8Ellison, The Cotton Trade, 82–83; Michael M. Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 1780–1815 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1967), 75.
9William Edensor, An Address to the Spinners and Manufacturers of Cotton Wool, Upon the Present Situation of the Market (London: The Author, 1792), 15. There was always a shortage of labor, which meant that production on plantations was unimaginable. Huri Islamoglu-Inan, “State and Peasants in the Ottoman Empire: A Study of Peasant Economy in North-Central Anatolia During the Sixteenth Century,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy(New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 126; Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century (1700–1820) (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992), 11, 236; Resat Kasaba, The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy: The Nineteenth Century (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 25–27. On the capital shortage see Donald Quataert, “The Commercialization of Agriculture in Ottoman Turkey, 1800–1914,” International Journal of Turkish Studies 1 (1980): 44–45. On the importance of political independence see Sevket Pamuk, The Ottoman Empire and European Capitalism, 1820–1913 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 53; Ellison, The Cotton Trade, 82–83; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 86.
10Report of the Select Committee of the Court of Directors of the East India Company, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Manufacture of this Country, 1793, Home Miscellaneous Series, 401, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
11“Objections to the Annexed Plan,” November 10, 1790, Home Miscellaneous Series, 434, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
12See for example Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 75, 82–83; Ellison, The Cotton Trade, 28, 84; East-India Company, Reports and Documents Connected with the Proceedings of the East-India Company in Regard to the Culture and Manufacture of Cotton-Wool, Raw Silk, and Indigo in India (London: East-India Company, 1836); Copy of letter by George Smith to Charles Earl Cornwallis, Calcutta, October 26, 1789, in Home Miscellaneous Series, 434, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Various Copies of Letters Copied into a Book relating to Cotton, 729–54, in Home Miscellaneous Series, 374, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library.
13On the long history of cotton in the Caribbean see David Watts, The West Indies: Patterns of Development, Culture and Environmental Change Since 1492 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 158–59, 183, 194, 296; Charles Mackenzie, Facts, Relative to the Present State of the British Cotton Colonies and to the Connection of their Interests (Edinburgh: James Clarke, 1811); Daniel McKinnen, A Tour Through the British West Indies, in the Years 1802 and 1803: Giving a Particular Account of the Bahama Islands (London: White, 1804); George F. Tyson Jr., “On the Periphery of the Peripheries: The Cotton Plantations of St. Croix, Danish West Indies, 1735–1815,” Journal of Caribbean History 26, no. 1 (1992): 3, 6–8; “Tableau de Commerce, &c. de St. Domingue,” in Bryan Edwards, An Historical Survey of the Island of Saint Domingo (London: Printed for John Stockdale, 1801), 230–31.
14“Report from the Select Committee on the Commercial State of the West India Colonies,” in Great Britain, House of Commons, Sessional Papers, 1807, III (65), pp. 73–78, as quoted in Ragatz, Statistics, 22; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 250; Selwyn H. H. Carrington, The British West Indies During the American Revolution (Dordrecht: Foris, 1988), 31; “An Account of all Cotton Wool of the Growth of the British Empire Imported annually into that part of Great Britain Called England,” National Archives of the UK, Kew, Treasury Department, T 64/275, in the chart on page 90. The numbers (totals, and details for 1786) in the chart on page 90 are from Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture, 347.
15“Report from the Select Committee on the Commercial State of the West India Colonies,” in Great Britain, House of Commons, Sessional Papers, 1807, III (65), pp. 73–78, as quoted in Lowell J. Ragatz, Statistics for the Study of British Caribbean Economic History, 1763–1833 (London: Bryan Edwards Press, 1928), 22; Lowell J. Ragatz, The Fall of the Planter Class in the British Caribbean, 1763–1833: A Study in Social and Economic History (New York: Century Co., 1928), 38; M. Placide-Justin, Histoire politique et statistique de l’île d’Hayti, Saint-Domingue; écrite sur des documents officiels et des notes communiquées par Sir James Barskett, agent du gouvernement britannique dans les Antilles (Paris: Brière, 1826), 501. On “coton des isles” see Robert Lévy, Histoire économique de l’industrie cotonnière en Alsace (Paris: F. Alcan, 1912), 56; Nathan Hall to John King, Nassau, May 27, 1800, Box 15, CO 23, National Archives of the UK, Kew.
16Robert H. Schomburgk, The History of Barbados: Comprising a Geographical and Statistical Description of the Island; a Sketch of the Historical Events Since the Settlement; and an Account of Its Geology and Natural Productions (London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1848), 640; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 79; Selwyn Carrington, “The American Revolution and the British West Indies Economy,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1987): 841–42; Edward N. Rappaport and José Fernandez-Partagas, “The Deadliest Atlantic Tropical Cyclones, 1492–1996,” National Hurricane Center, National Weather Service, May 28, 1995, accessed August 6, 2010, http://www.nhc.noaa.gov/pastdeadly.shtml; Ragatz, Statistics, 15; S. G. Stephens, “Cotton Growing in the West Indies During the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries,” Tropical Agriculture 21 (February 1944): 23–29; Wallace Brown, The Good Americans: The Loyalists in the American Revolution (New York: Morrow, 1969), 2; Gail Saunders, Bahamian Loyalists and Their Slaves (London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1983), 37.
17David Eltis, “The Slave Economies of the Caribbean: Structure, Performance, Evolution and Significance,” in Franklin W. Knight, ed., General History of the Caribbean, vol. 3, The Slave Societies of the Caribbean (London: Unesco Publishing, 1997), 113, Table 3:1. On production see Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 79. On French demand and reexports from European French ports see Jean Tarrade, Le commerce colonial de la France à la fin de l’Ancien Régime (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1972), 748–49, 753. I assumed that most of the colonial cotton reexported from France went to Great Britain.
18In 1790, there were 705 cotton plantations on the island, compared to 792 sugar plantations. Edwards, An Historical Survey, 163–65, 230, 231. On Saint-Domingue cotton production see also Schomburgk, The History of Barbados, 150; Ragatz, The Fall of the Planter Class, 39, 125; David Eltis et al., The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade: A Database on CD-Rom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Tarrade, Le commerce colonial, 759.
19Stefano Fenoaltea, “Slavery and Supervision in Comparative Perspective: A Model,” Journal of Economic History 44 (September 1984): 635–68.
20Moore, “Sugar,” 412, 428.
21Resat Kasaba, “Incorporation of the Ottoman Empire,” Review 10, Supplement (Summer/Fall 1987): 827.
22Transactions of the Society Instituted at London for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce 1 (London: Dodsley, 1783), 254; Ellison, The Cotton Trade, 28; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 77; Governor Orde to Lord Sydney, Roseau, Dominica, June 13, 1786, in Colonial Office, 71/10, National Archives of the UK; President Lucas to Lord Sydney, Granada, June 9, 1786, Dispatches Granada, Colonial Office, 101/26; Governor D. Parry to Lord Sydney, Barbados, May 31, 1786, Dispatches Barbados, Colonial Office, 28/60, National Archives of the UK; President Brown to Sydney, New Providence, 23 February 1786, in Dispatches Bahamas, Colonial Office 23/15, National Archives of the UK. On the pressure by manufacturers see also Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 75–76; Governor Orde to Lord Sydney, Rouseau, Dominica, March 30, 1788, National Archives of the UK.
23关于奴隶在资本主义史上的角色已经有很多讨论以它为主题，相当完善的摘要有 Robin Blackburn, The Making of New World Slavery: From the Baroque to the Modern, 1492–1800 (New York: Verso, 1997), 509–80. See also the important article by Ronald Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery: Black Labor, Cotton, and Textile Industrialization in Great Britain and the United States,” Agricultural History 68 (Spring 1994): 35–50; Seymour Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery: British Mobilization in Comparative Perspective (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 9. The notion of “second slavery” is from Dale Tomich and Michael Zeuske, “The Second Slavery: Mass Slavery, World-Economy, and Comparative Microhistories,” Review: A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center 31, no. 3 (2008). Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch argues that this expansion of slavery in the Americas also led to a “second slavery” in Africa. See Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, “African Slaves and Atlantic Metissage: A Periodization 1400–1880,” paper presented at “2nd Slaveries and the Atlantization of the Americas” colloquium, University of Cologne, July 2012; Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database, http://www.slavevoyages.org, accessed January 31, 2013.
24Alan H. Adamson, Sugar Without Slaves: The Political Economy of British Guiana, 1838–1904 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), 24; Johannes Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600–1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 288.
25See for example, Roger Hunt, Observations Upon Brazilian Cotton Wool, for the Information of the Planter and With a View to Its Improvement (London: Steel, 1808), 3; Morris R. Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton and Cotton Statistics of the World (New Orleans: W. B. Stansbury & Co., 1889), 28; John C. Branner, Cotton in the Empire of Brazil: The Antiquity, Methods and Extent of Its Cultivation; Together with Statistics of Exportation and Home Consumption (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1885), 9, 46; Celso Furtado, The Economic Growth of Brazil: A Survey from Colonial to Modern Times (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1965), 97; Caio Prado, The Colonial Background of Modern Brazil (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), 171–73, cited on 458; Luiz Cordelio Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil: Dependency and Development” (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, 1989), 31; Francisco de Assis Leal Mesquita, “Vida e morte da economia algodoeira do Maranhão, uma análise das relações de produção na cultura do algodão, 1850–1890” (PhD dissertation, Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 1987), 50.
26Beshara Doumani, Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700–1900 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995), 99; William Milburn, Oriental Commerce: Containing a Geographical Description of the Principal Places in the East Indies, China, and Japan, With Their Produce, Manufactures, and Trade (London: Black, Parry & Co., 1813), 281; Mesquita, “Vida e morte,” 63; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 83.
27John Tarleton to Clayton Tarleton, St. James’s Hotel, February 5, 1788, 920 TAR, Box 4, Letter 5, Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool. For cotton merchants owning a plantation see Sandbach, Tinne & Co. Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool. For cotton merchants trading in slaves see John Tarleton to Clayton Tarleton, April 29, 1790, letter 8, 4, 920 TAR, Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Records Office; Annual Profit and Loss Accounts of John Tarleton, 920 TAR, Box 2 and Box 5, Liverpool Records Office.
281820年，种植英国工业消耗的棉花需要873312英亩的土地，这将占英国可耕地的7.8%，并雇198738名农业工人。1840年棉花消费量需要3273414英亩土地，这将占英国可耕地的29%，需要544066名农业劳动者。Cotton consumption in 1820 (152,829,633 pounds according to Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 93–4) divided by 1820 yield per acre (175 pounds according to Whartenby, “Land and Labor Productivity,” 54); 1820 required cotton acreage (873,312 acres) as a share of 1827 arable land (11,143,370 acres). Figure for arable land taken from Rowland E. Prothero, English Farming Past and Present (New York: Benjamin Blom, Inc., 1972 [1st ed. London, 1917]), [(“Table 2.–1827”) and Select Committee on Emigration, 1827. Evidence of Mr. W. Couling. Sessional Papers, 1827, vol. v., p. 361]. 1840 cotton consumption (592,488,010 pounds according to Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 94) divided by 1840 yield per acre (181 pounds according to Whartenby, “Land and Labor Productivity,” 54). Cotton consumption in 1860 (1,140,599,712 pounds) divided by 1840 yield of cotton per acre in the United States (181 pounds). And 1860 cotton consumption divided by 1840 yield per worker (1,089 pounds) in the United States. See also Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 276, 315. Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 75. The resistance to change in the European agricultural system is also emphasized by Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism: The Rise and Demise of the U.S. Ante-Bellum Cotton Culture,” Theory and Society 20 (June 1991): 326. For discussion of the great divergence see also David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technical Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present, 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003); David Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (New York: Norton, 1998); Niall Ferguson, Civilization: The West and the Rest (New York: Penguin, 2011); Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies (New York: Norton, 1998). For an overview see also Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England, chapter 2.
29This is also argued for the West Indies by Ragatz, Statistics, 10, 370. On the importance of sugar as a competitor to cotton see Imperial Department of Agriculture for the West Indies, Information Relating to Cotton Cultivation in the West Indies(Barbados: Commissioner of Agriculture for the West Indies, 1903). Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 79, 250. Luiz Cordelio Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil: Dependency and Development” (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, 1989), 170; James Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co., 1860), 79, 80, 86; DB 176, Sandbach, Tinne & Co. Papers, Merseyside Maritime Museum, Liverpool.
30Edensor, An Address to the Spinners and Manufacturers of Cotton Wool, 14, 21–3; Franklin, The Present State of Hayti (St. Domingo), with Remarks on Its Agriculture, Commerce, Laws, Religion, Finances, and Population, etc. (London: J. Murray, 1828), 123; Pennsylvania Gazette, June 13, 1792.
31John Tarleton to Clayton Tarleton, September 27, 1792, letter 33, February 4, 1795, letter 75, 920 TAR, Tarleton Papers, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool. See also Orhan Kurmus, “The Cotton Famine and Its Effects on the Ottoman Empire,” Huri Islamoglu-Inan, ed., The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 16; Brian R. Mitchell, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962), 490. On rising prices see also Stanley Dumbell, “Early Liverpool Cotton Imports and the Organisation of the Cotton Market in the Eighteenth Century,” Economic Journal 33 (September 1923): 370; Emily A. Rathbone, ed., Records of the Rathbone Family (Edinburgh: R. & R. Clark, 1913), 47; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 88.
32Tench Coxe, A Memoir of February, 1817, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Wool Cultivation, the Cotton Trade and the Cotton Manufactories of the United States of America (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of American Manufactures, 1817).
第5章 奴隶制盛行1Petition, To the Right Honorable the Lords of His Majesty’s Privy Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations, December 8, 1785, in Board of Trade, National Archives of the UK, Kew. Other sources speak of a similar incident in 1784. See for example Morris R. Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton and Cotton Statistics of the World (New Orleans: W. B. Stansbury & Co., 1884), 37.
2See, for example, Ernst von Halle, Baumwollproduktion und Pflanzungswirtschaft in den Nordamerikanischen Südstaaten, part 1, Die Sklavenzeit (Leipzig: Verlag von Duncker & Humblot, 1897), 16–17; Jay Treaty, Article XII; Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Effingham Wilson, Royal Exchange, 1886), 85; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton, 45.
3Gavin Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South: Households, Markets, and Wealth in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Norton, 1978), 14; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton, 39; George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, February 13, 1789, reprinted in Jared Sparks, The Writings of George Washington, vol. 9 (Boston: Russell, Odiorne, and Metcalf & Hilliard, Gray, and Co., 1835), 470; Tench Coxe, A Memoir of February 1817, Upon the Subject of the Cotton Wool Cultivation, the Cotton Trade, and the Cotton Manufactories of the United States of America (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of American Manufactures, 1817), 2; on Coxe in general see James A. B. Scherer, Cotton as a World Power: A Study in the Economic Interpretation of History (New York: F. A. Stokes Co., 1916), 122–23; Tench Coxe, View of the United States of America (Philadelphia: William Hall, 1794), 20; Michael M. Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 1780–1815 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1967), 87; Tench Coxe to Robert Livingston, June 10, 1802, in Papers of Tench Coxe, Correspondence and General Papers, June 1802, Film A 201, reel 74, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
4“Cotton. Cultivation, manufacture, and foreign trade of. Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury,” March 4, 1836 (Washington, DC: Blair & Rives, 1836), 8, accessed July 29, 2013, http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/011159609.
5Joyce Chaplin, “Creating a Cotton South in Georgia and South Carolina, 1760–1815,” Journal of Southern History 57 (May 1991): 178; Lewis Cecil Gray, History of Agriculture in the Southern United States to 1860, vol. 2 (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1933), 673; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton, 36, 41; on the household production of cotton and cotton cloth see also Scherer, Cotton as a World Power, 124–25; Ralph Izard to Henry Laurens, Bath, December 20, 1775, as reprinted in Correspondence of Mr. Ralph Izard of South Carolina, From the Year 1774 to 1804; With a Short Memoir (New York: Charles S. Francis & Co., 1844), 174, see also 16, 82, 246, 296, 300, 370, 386, 390.
6John Hebron Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom in the Old Southwest: Mississippi, 1770–1860 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1988), 77; Chaplin, “Creating a Cotton South,” 177, 188, 193.
7Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 80, 85; Chew, History of the Kingdom of Cotton, 40. However, there was and continues to be substantial controversy as to who planted the first cotton. See Nichol Turnbull, “The Beginning of Cotton Cultivation in Georgia,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 2, no. 1 (March 1917): 39–45; Gray, History of Agriculture, 675–79; S. G. Stephen, “The Origins of Sea Island Cotton,” Agricultural History 50 (1976): 391–99; Trapman, Schmidt & Co. to McConnel & Kennedy, Charleston, January 3, 1824, record group MCK, Box 2/1/30, Letters Received by McConnel & Kennedy, Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John Rylands Library, Manchester.
8“La Rapida Transformacion del Paisaje Viorgen de Guantanamo por los immigrantes Franceses (1802–1809),” in Levi Marrero, Cuba: Economía y sociedad, vol. 11, Azúcar, ilustración y conciencia, 1763–1868 (Madrid: Editorial Playor, 1983), 148; Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom, 4; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 92; Brian Schoen, The Fragile Fabric of Union: Cotton, Federal Politics, and the Global Origins of the Civil War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009), 12.
9Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South, 13; Gray, History of Agriculture, 735.
10Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South, 13; on Whitney see Scherer, Cotton as a World Power, 155–67; Stuart W. Bruchey, Cotton and the Growth of the American Economy, 1790–1860: Sources and Readings (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1967), 45; Angela Lakwete, Inventing the Cotton Gin: Machine and Myth in Antebellum America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003) disagrees, in my eyes unpersuasively, with this account; David Ramsay, Ramsay’s History of South Carolina, From Its First Settlement in 1670 to the Year 1808, vol. 2 (Newberry, SC: W. J. Duffie, 1858), 121.
11Stanley Dumbell, “Early Liverpool Cotton Imports and the Organisation of the Cotton Market in the Eighteenth Century,” Economic Journal 33 (September 1923): 370; Chaplin, “Creating a Cotton South,” 187; here she summarizes one such story; Gray, History of Agriculture, 685; Lacy K. Ford, “Self-Sufficiency, Cotton, and Economic Development in the South Carolina Upcountry, 1800–1860,” Journal of Economic History 45 (June 1985): 261–67.
12The numbers are from Adam Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South, 1790–1820” (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 2000), 20; Allan Kulikoff, “Uprooted People: Black Migrants in the Age of the American Revolution, 1790–1820,” in Ira Berlin and Ronald Hoffman, eds., Slavery and Freedom in the Age of the American Revolution (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1983), 149; Peter A. Coclanis and Lacy K. Ford, “The South Carolina Economy Reconstructed and Reconsidered: Structure, Output, and Performance, 1670–1985,” in Winfred B. Moore Jr. et al., Developing Dixie: Modernization in a Traditional Society (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988), 97; Allan Kulikoff, “Uprooted People,” 149; Gray, History of Agriculture, 685.
13Farmer’s Register, vol. 1, 490, as quoted in William Chandler Bagley, Soil Exhaustion and the Civil War (Washington, DC: American Council on Public Affairs, 1942), 18–19; Bruchey, Cotton and the Growth of the American Economy, 80–81.
14United States, Department of Commerce and Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1970, Part 1 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1975), 518; Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 302; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 89, 95; Ramsay, Ramsay’s History of South Carolina, 121.
15Coxe, A Memoir of February 1817, 3.
16For a most interesting discussion on frontier spaces see John C. Weaver, The Great Land Rush and the Making of the Modern World, 1650–1900 (Montreal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2003), 72–76.
17Note by Thomas Baring, Sunday, June 19, in NP 1. A. 4. 13, Northbrook Papers, Baring Brothers, ING Baring Archive, London.
18Gray, History of Agriculture, 686, 901; the story is summarized in Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 155–69; see also Daniel H. Usner Jr., American Indians in the Lower Mississippi Valley: Social and Economic Histories(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998), 83–89; James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth: The Mississippi Delta and the Roots of Regional Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 7; Lawrence G. Gundersen Jr., “West Tennessee and the Cotton Frontier, 1818–1840,” West Tennessee Historical Society Papers 52 (1998): 25–43; David Hubbard to J. D. Beers, March 7, 1835, in New York and Mississippi Land Company Records, 1835–1889, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison. Thanks to Richard Rabinowitz for bringing this source to my attention.
19Dewi Ioan Ball and Joy Porter, eds., Competing Voices from Native America (Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood Press, 2009), 85–87.
20This story is related in fascinating detail in Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 20ff.; Gray, History of Agriculture, 709; Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom, 6; John F. Stover, The Routledge Historical Atlas of the American Railroads (New York: Routledge, 1999), 15.
21American Cotton Planter 1 (1853): 152; De Bow’s Review 11 (September 1851): 308; see also James Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Simpkin, Marshall & Co., 1860), 53; Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of Smyrna in the Eighteenth Century (1700–1820) (Athens: Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1992), 237.
22Charles Mackenzie, Facts, Relative to the Present State of the British Cotton Colonies and to the Connection of Their Interests (Edinburgh: James Clarke, 1811), 35; “Cotton. Cultivation, manufacture, and foreign trade of. Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury,” March 4, 1836 (Washington, DC: Blair & Rives, 1836), 16, accessed July 29, 2013, http://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/011159609.
23Allan Kulikoff, “Uprooted People,” 143–52; James McMillan, “The Final Victims: The Demography, Atlantic Origins, Merchants, and Nature of the Post-Revolutionary Foreign Slave Trade to North America, 1783–1810” (PhD dissertation, Duke University, 1999), 40–98; Walter Johnson, “Introduction,” in Walter Johnson, ed., The Chattel Principle: Internal Slave Trades in the Americas (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), 6; Walter Johnson, Soul by Soul: Life Inside the Antebellum Slave Market (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001); Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 59, 84, 314; Scherer, Cotton as a World Power, 151; Michael Tadman, Speculators and Slaves: Masters, Traders, and Slaves in the Old South (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), 12.
24See John H. Moore, “Two Cotton Kingdoms,” Agricultural History 60, no. 4 (Fall 1986): 1–16; numbers are from Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South, 27–28; Ronald Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery: Black Labor, Cotton, and Textile Industrialization in Great Britain and the United States,” Agricultural History 68 (Spring 1994): 38.
25John Brown, Slave Life in Georgia: A Narrative of the Life, Sufferings, and Escape of John Brown, a Fugitive Slave, Now in England: Electronic Edition, ed. Louis Alexis Chamerovzow (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2001), 11, 27, 171–72, http://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/jbrown/jbrown.html, originally published in 1854; Henry Bibb, Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb, an American Slave, Written by Himself: Electronic Edition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 2000), 132, http://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/bibb/bibb.html, originally published in 1815.
26William Rathbone VI to Rathbone Brothers, February 2, 1849, RP/ XXIV.2.4, File of Correspondence, Letters from William Rathbone VI while in America, Rathbone Papers, Special Collections and Archives, University of Liverpool, Liverpool; The Liverpool Chronicle is quoted in Bremer Handelsblatt 93 (1853): 6.
27This whole story is developed in John Casper Branner, Cotton in the Empire of Brazil: The Antiquity, Methods and Extent of Its Cultivation, Together with Statistics of Exportation and Home Consumption (Washington, DC: Goverment Printing Office, 1885), 25–27, and Luiz Cordelio Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil: Dependency and Development” (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, 1989), 7, 9, 65; Eugene W. Ridings Jr., “The Merchant Elite and the Development of Brazil: The Case of Bahia During the Empire,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 15, no. 3 (August 1973): 343; Gray, History of Agriculture, 694; see also Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 55; Chaplin, “Creating a Cotton South,” 193.
28At 400 pounds to the bale. The numbers are from Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom, 129.
29Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth, 7–10.
30Bonnie Martin, “Slavery’s Invisible Engine: Mortgaging Human Property,” Journal of Southern History 76, no. 4 (November 2010): 840–41.
31C. Wayne Smith and J. Tom Cothren, eds., Cotton: Origin, History, Technology, and Production (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1999), 103, 122; on the various origins of American cotton see also Whitemarsh B. Seabrook, A Memoir of the Origin, Cultivation and Uses of Cotton (Charleston, SC: Miller & Browne, 1844), 15; John H. Moore, “Cotton Breeding in the Old South,” Agricultural History 30 (1956): 97; Moore, The Emergence of the Cotton Kingdom, 35; Gray, History of Agriculture, 691.
32American Cotton Planter 2 (May 1854): 160.
33W. E. B. DuBois, The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States of America (New York: General Books LLC, 2009), 140; Edgar T. Thompson, Plantation Societies, Race Relations, and the South: The Regimentation of Population: Selected Papers of Edgar T. Thompson (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1975), 217; Alan L. Olmstead and Paul W. Rhode, “Slave Productivity on Cotton Production by Gender, Age, Season, and Scale,” accessed June 11, 2012, www.iga.ucdavis.edu/Research/all-uc/conferences/spring-2010; Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery,” 36.
34Caitlin C. Rosenthal, “Slavery’s Scientific Management: Accounting for Mastery,” in Sven Beckert and Seth Rockman, eds., Slavery’s Capitalism: A New History of American Economic Development (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming, 2015); Frederick Law Olmstead, A Journey in the Back Country (Williamstown, MA: Corner House, 1972), 153–54, originally published in 1860; Bill Cooke, “The Denial of Slavery in Management Studies,” Journal of Management Studies 40 (December 2003): 1913. The importance of “biological innovation” has been shown most recently by Alan L. Olmstead and Paul W. Rhode, “Biological Innovation and Productivity Growth in the Antebellum Cotton Economy,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 14142, June 2008; Alan L. Olmstead and Paul W. Rhode, Biological Innovation and American Agricultural Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008). It has also been effectively critiqued by Edward Baptist, “The Whipping-Machine” (unpublished paper, Conference on Slavery and Capitalism, Brown and Harvard Universities, March 10, 2011, in author’s possession). For the importance of falling prices to gaining dominance in markets, see Stephen Broadberry and Bishnupriya Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence: Lancashire, India and Shifting Competitive Advantage, 1600–1850,” Center for Economic Policy Research (April 12, 2005), accessed December 12, 2012, www.cepr.org/meets/wkcn/1/1626/papers/Broadberry.pdf.
35See for this argument Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism: The Rise and Demise of the U.S. Ante-Bellum Cotton Culture,” Theory and Society 20 (June 1991): 335; for the concept of social metabolism see the work of Juan Martinez Alier, for example Juan Martinez Alier and Inge Ropke, eds., Recent Developments in Ecological Economics (Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2008); see also Dale W. Tomich, Through the Prism of Slavery (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004), 61.
36Gray, History of Agriculture, 688; Eugene Genovese, “Cotton, Slavery and Soil Exhaustion in the Old South,” Cotton History Review 2 (1961): 3–17; on the prices of slaves see Adam Rothman, “The Domestic Slave Trade in America: The Lifeblood of the Southern Slave System,” in Johnson, ed., The Chattel Principle, 95; on Clay see Savannah Unit Georgia Writers’ Project, Work Projects Administration in Georgia, “The Plantation of the Royal Vale,” Georgia Historical Quarterly27 (March 1943): 97–99.
37Samuel Dubose and Frederick A. Porcher, A Contribution to the History of the Huguenots of South Carolina (New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1887), 19, 21; Edwards, The Growth of the British Cotton Trade, 91; Coclanis and Ford, “The South Carolina Economy Reconstructed and Reconsidered,” 97; Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth, 10; Daniel W. Jordan to Emily Jordan, Plymouth, August 3, 1833, in Daniel W. Jordan Papers, Special Collections Department, Perkins Library, Duke University.
38Philo-Colonus, A Letter to S. Perceval on the Expediency of Imposing a Duty on Cotton Wool of Foreign Growth, Imported into Great Britain (London: J. Cawthorn, 1812), 9; Lowell Joseph Ragatz, Statistics for the Study of British Caribbean Economic History, 1763–1833 (London: Bryan Edwards Press, 1927), 16; Planters’ and Merchants’ Resolution Concerning Import of Cotton Wool from the United States, 1813, in Official Papers of First Earl of Liverpool, Add. Mss. 38252, f. 78, Liverpool Papers, Manuscript Collections, British Library; John Gladstone, Letters Addressed to the Right Honourable The Earl of Clancarty, President of the Board of Trade, on the Inexpediency of Permitting the Importation of Cotton Wool from the United States During the Present War (London: J. M. Richardson, 1813), 7. 仅在印度西部，1850年就有400万英亩的土地用于种植棉花，而在印度其他地区，种植棉花的土地还要更多。1850年，美国大约有700万英亩的土地用于种植棉花。Amalendu Guha, “Raw Cotton of Western India: 1750–1850,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 9 (January 1972): 25.
39U.S. Treasury Department Report, 1836, p. 16, as quoted in Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil,” 150; see also Rothman, “The Expansion of Slavery in the Deep South,” 15. For the importance of the Industrial Revolution to slavery’s dynamic in the United States, see also Barbara Jeanne Fields, “The Advent of Capitalist Agriculture: The New South in a Bourgeois World,” in Thavolia Glymph, ed., Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), 77; Wright, The Political Economy of the Cotton South, 13; Scherer, Cotton as a World Power, 150; The Proceedings of the Agricultural Convention of the State Agricultural Society of South Carolina: From 1839 to 1845—Inclusive(Columbia, SC: Summer & Carroll, 1846), 322; Rohit T. Aggarwala, “Domestic Networks as a Basis for New York City’s Rise to Pre-eminence, 1780–1812” (unpublished paper presented at the Business History Conference, Le Creusot, France, June 19, 2004), 21; Michael Hovland, “The Cotton Ginnings Reports Program at the Bureau of the Census,” Agricultural History 68 (Spring 1994): 147; Bruchey, Cotton and the Growth of the American Economy, 2.
40Halle, Baumwollproduktion und Pflanzungswirtschaft, viii; Organization of the Cotton Power: Communication of the President (Macon, GA: Lewis B. Andrews Book and Job Printer, 1858), 7; American Cotton Planter 1 (January 1853): 11.
41在研究美国南方的历史学家中，南方种植园经济在全球经济中的重要性往往被忽视。See Immanuel Wallerstein, “American Slavery and the Capitalist World-Economy,” American Journal of Sociology 81 (March 1976): 1208; Francis Carnac Brown, Free Trade and the Cotton Question with Reference to India (London: Effingham Wilson, 1848), 43; Copy of a Memorial Respecting the Levant Trade to the Right Honourable the Board of Privy Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations, as copied in Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, meeting of February 9, 1825, in M8/2/1, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1821–27, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; The Proceedings of the Agricultural Convention of the State Agricultural Society of South Carolina, 323.
42Letter by [illegible] to “My Dear Sir” (a former president of the Board of Trade), Liverpool, June 16, 1828, in Document f255, Huskisson Papers, Manuscript Collections, British Library, London; “Memorial of the Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures Established by Royal Charter in the City of Glasgow, 15 December 1838,” in Official Papers Connected with the Improved Cultivation of Cotton (Calcutta: G. H. Huttmann, 1839), 6, 8; A Cotton Spinner, India Our Hope; Or, Remarks Upon our Supply of Cotton (Manchester: J. Clarke, 1844), 13; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 56; Mac Culloch, as quoted in Bremer Handelsblatt 1 (1851): 5.
43A Cotton Spinner, India Our Hope, 5; J. G. Collins, An Essay in Favour of the Colonialization of the North and North-West Provinces of India, with Regard to the Question of Increased Cotton Supply and Its Bearing on the Slave Trade (London: W. H. Allen & Co., n.d., c. 1859), 35; John Gunn Collins, Scinde & The Punjab: The Gems of India in Respect to Their Past and Unparalleled Capabilities of Supplanting the Slave States of America in the Cotton Markets of the World, or, An Appeal to the English Nation on Behalf of Its Great Cotton Interest, Threatened with Inadequate Supplies of the Raw Material (Manchester: A. Ireland, 1858), 10; these arguments are also summarized in Bremer Handelsblatt, August 8, 1857, 281.
44Baring Brothers Liverpool to Baring Brothers London, Liverpool, October 22, 1835, in HC3.35,2, House Correspondence, ING Baring Archive, London; for that issue see also Schoen, The Fragile Fabric of Union, 1–10.
45A Cotton Spinner, The Safety of Britain and the Suppression of Slavery: A Letter to the Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel on the Importance of an Improved Supply of Cotton from India (London: Simpkin, Marshall, 1845), 3, 4; A Cotton Spinner, India Our Hope, 6; Brown, Free Trade and the Cotton Question, 44; Collins, Scinde & The Punjab, 5; Anonymous, The Cotton Trade of India: Quaere: Can India Not Supply England with Cotton? (London: Spottiswoode, 1839); Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India (London: Harrison & Co., 1840); John Forbes Royle, Essay on the Productive Resources of India (London: Wm. H. Allen, 1840); Tench Coxe to Robert Livingston, June 10, 1802, in Papers of Tench Coxe, Correspondence and General Papers, June 1802, Film A 201, reel 74, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
46See, for example, Ministère de la Marine et des Colonies to the Secrétaire d’État de l’Intérieur, Paris, January 27, 1819; Société d’Encouragement pour l’Industrie Nationale to Secrétaire d’État de l’Intérieur, Paris, October 17, 1821, in F12–2196, “Machine à égrainer le coton,” Archives Nationales, Paris; A Cotton Spinner, India Our Hope, 15; An Indian Civil Servant, Usurers and Ryots, Being an Answer to the Question “Why Does Not India Produce More Cotton?” (London: Smith, Elder & Co, 1856); Collins, Scinde & The Punjab, 5; Anonymous, The Cotton Trade of India; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India; Royle, Essay on the Productive Resources of India, 314; J. Chapman, The Cotton and Commerce of India (London: John Chapman, 1851).
47See, for example, Report from the Select Committee on the Growth of Cotton in India, House of Commons, Parliamentary Papers, 1847–48, vol. IX; The Sixteenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1836 (Manchester: Henry Smith, 1837), 13; The Thirty-Sixth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1856 (Manchester: James Collins, 1857), 34; The Seventeenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1836 (Manchester: Henry Smith, 1838), 17; Resolution Passed at the Meeting of the Board of Directors, Manchester Commercial Association, November 13, 1845, M8, 7/1, Manchester Commercial Association Papers, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester. For further pressure see Copy of Letter of John Peel, Manchester Commercial Association, to the Chairman of the Court of Directors of the Honourable East India Company, Manchester, March 1, 1848, in Home Department, Revenue Branch, October 28, 1849, Nos. 3/4, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; Thomas Bazley to Thomas Baring, Manchester, September 9, 1857, in House Correspondence, NP 6.3.1., Thomas Bazley, ING Baring Archive, London.
48Arthur W. Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton, 1847–1872 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1966), 58; “Memorial of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, dated December 1838,” and “Memorial of the Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures Established by Royal Charter in the City of Glasgow, 15 December 1838,” in Official Papers Connected with the Improved Cultivation of Cotton, 6, 8, 10; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 62; Karl Marx, Karl Marx on Colonialism and Modernization (Garden City, NJ: Doubleday, 1968), 100–101.
49Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton, 61.
50The Thirty-Sixth Annual Report of the Board of Directors, 13, 31–45; The Thirty-Eighth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1858 (Manchester: James Collins, 1859), 14–43; The Thirty-Seventh Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1857 (Manchester: James Collins, 1858), 11–12. For the Manchester Cotton Supply Association see Cotton Supply Association, Report of an Important Meeting Held at Manchester May 21, 1857 (Manchester: Galt, Kerruish, & Kirby, 1857), 2.
51See for example Report from the Select Committee on the Growth of Cotton in India, House of Commons, iii; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, New Series, 30 (September–December 1839): 304; Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 65; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India, 17; Guha, “Raw Cotton of Western India,” 2.
52Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton, 31, 34; Guha, “Raw Cotton of Western India,” 5, 33; Frederic Wakeman Jr., “The Canton Trade and the Opium War,” in John K. Fairbank, ed., The Cambridge History of China, vol. 10, part 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 171. In the mid-1840s exports from Bombay to China amounted to about 40 million pounds; De Bow’s Review 1 (April 1846), pp. 295–96. See also Sucheta Mazumdar, Sugar and Society in China: Peasants, Technology and the World Market (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), 105–6.
53See the assessment of the Calcutta Review: “Bombay Cottons and Indian Railways,” Calcutta Review 26 (June 1850): 331; M. L. Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton (Bombay: East India Cotton Association, 1947), 45–46; see also K. L. Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat: A Study of Exotic Seed and Saw Gins, 1800–50,” Indian Historical Review 17, nos. 1–3 (1990–91): 136–51; J. G. Medicott, Cotton Hand-Book for Bengal (Calcutta: Savielle & Cranenburgh, 1862), 296; “Cotton in Southern Mahratta Country, Agency for the Purchase of Cotton Established,” Compilations Vol. 27/355, 1831, Compilation No. 395, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Minute by the Vice President, Metcalfe, March 3, 1831, in Revenue Department, Revenue Branch, “A,” July 1831, No. 69/74, Part B, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; Home Department, Revenue Branch, G.G., August 1839, No. 1/4, in National Archives of India; Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton, 74; on various other measures taken by the company to improve and increase Indian cotton exports see J. Forbes Royle, On the Culture and Commerce of Cotton in India and Elsewhere: With an Account of the Experiments Made by the Hon. East India Company Up to the Present Time (London: Smith, Elder, & Co., 1851), 86–90.
54See for example Territorial Department, Revenue—Cotton to Thomas Williamson, Secretary to Government, June 21, 1830, in 43/324/1830, Compilations, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; “Abstract of the Replies of Local Authorities to the Board’s Circular of 21st February 1848 Calling for Certain Information Relative to the Cultivation of Cotton in India and Required by the Honourable Court of Directors,” in Home Department, Revenue Branch, December 2, 1848, Nos. 10–18, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; see also “Prospects of Cotton Cultivation in the Saugor and Narbadda Territories in the Nizam’s Dominions,” August 12, 1848, No. 3–11, National Archives of India; “Capabilities of the Bombay Presidency for Supplying Cotton in the Event of an Increased Demand from Europe,” March 1, 1850, Revenue Branch, Home Department, National Archives of India; Revenue Department, Compilations Vol. 6/413, 1832, Compilation No. 62, Cotton Experimental Farm, Guzerat, Maharashtra State Archives; Compilations Vol. 10/478, 1833, Compilation No. 5, Cotton Experimental Farm, Guzerat, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, New Series, 21 (September–December 1836): 220, 22 (January–April 1837): 234, and 38 (1842): 371; Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat”: 137; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India, 15.
55See for example “Cotton Cultivation Under the Superintendence of the American Cotton Planters in N.W. Provinces, Bombay and Madras,” January 17, 1842, No. 13–17, Revenue Department, Home Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; John MacFarquhar to East India Company, New Orleans, January 13, 1842, W. W. Wood to East India Company, New Orleans, June 10, 1842, Two Letters dated 13 January and 10 June to the Directors of the East India Company, MSS EUR C157, in Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Home Department, Revenue Branch, G.G., August 1839, No. 1/4, in National Archives of India; see also Resolution dated September 21, 1841, by the Revenue Branch of the Government of India, Revenue Department, Revenue Branch, 21st September 1840, No. 1/3, National Archives of India; Letter by [illegible] to T. H. Maddok, Territorial Department Revenue, Bombay, 10 February 1842, in Revenue and Agriculture Department, Revenue Branch, February 28, 1842, Nos. 2–5, National Archives of India; Medicott, Cotton Hand-Book for Bengal, 305; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, New Series, 36 (September–December 1841): 343.
56Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton, 37–39; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, New Series, 35 (May–August 1841): 502; copy of letter from C. W. Martin, Superintendent Cotton Farm in Gujerat, Broach, November 1830 to William Stubbs, Esq., Principal Collector, Surat, in Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Gibbs, Broach, October 5, 1831, to Thomas Williamson, Esq., secretary of Government, in Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, New Series, 39 (1842): 106; letter by [illegible] to T. H. Maddok, Territorial Department Revenue, Bombay, 10 February 1842, in Revenue and Agriculture Department, Revenue Branch, February 28, 1842, Nos. 2–5, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1846–47 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1847), 5.
57Medicott, Cotton Hand-Book for Bengal, 320, 322, 323, 331, 340, 352, 366.
58Annual Report of the Transactions of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41 (Bombay: Bombay Times and Journal of Commerce Press, 1841), 112–19; copy of a letter of John Peel, Manchester Commercial Association, to the Chairman of the Court of Directors of the Honourable East India Company, London, March 1, 1848, in Manchester Commercial Association, October 18, 1848, No. 3–4, Revenue Branch, Home Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India, 4.
59East-India Company, Reports and Documents Connected with the Proceedings of the East-India Company in Regard to the Culture and Manufacture of Cotton-Wool, Raw Silk, and Indigo in India (London: East-India Company, 1836); reprinted letter of W. W. Bell, Collector’s Office, Dharwar, 10 January 1850 to H. E. Goldsmid, Secretary of Government, Bombay, reprinted in Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1849–50 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1850), 26; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41, 104.
60Ellison, The Cotton Trade, 99; Revenue Department No. 4 of 1839, Reprinted in Official Papers Connected with the Improved Cultivation of Cotton, 1, consulted in Asiatic Society of Bombay Library, Mumbai; Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1859/60 (Bombay: Bombay Gazette Press, 1860), xxviii.
61Mann, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 70; C. W. Grant, Bombay Cotton and Indian Railways (London: Longman, Brown, Green and Longman, 1850), 9.
62Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat”; “Replies to the Queries Proposed by the Government of India, given by [illegible] Viccajee, Regarding the Cotton Trade in the Nizam’s Country,” Home Department, Revenue Branch, August 12, 1848, No. 3–11, p. 167, in National Archives of India, New Delhi; Report from Kaira Collector to Revenue Department, Neriad, March 22, 1823, Compilations Vol. 8/60, 1823, in Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.
63Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat,” 147, 151; Letter of Chartles Lurh (?), in charge of experimental cotton farm in Dharwar, February 21, 1831, to Thomas Williamson, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, in Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Report from the Select Committee on the Growth of Cotton in India, House of Commons, 5; Tuteja, “Agricultural Technology in Gujarat”; Letter by J. P. Simson, Secretary to Government, The Warehousekeeper and Commercial Account, Bombay Castle, 18 May 1820, Compilations Vol. 4, 1821, Commercial Department, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.
64关于本地商人如何把棉花从种植者那里运到市场上的详情，见：Cotton Trade in Bombay, 1811, in Despatches to Bombay, E4/1027, pp. 135–47, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. See also Marika Vicziany, “Bombay Merchants and Structural Changes in the Export Community, 1850 to 1880,” in Economy and Society: Essays in Indian Economic and Social History (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1979), 63–196; Marika Vicziany, The Cotton Trade and the Commercial Development of Bombay, 1855–75 (London: University of London Press, 1975), especially 170–71; Dantwala, A Hundred Years of Indian Cotton, 37; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41, 111; Letter from [illegible], Commercial Resident Office, Broach, January 6, 1825, to Gilbert More, Acting Secretary of Government, Bombay, in Compilations Vol. 26, 1825, “Consultation Cotton Investment,” Commercial Department, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Report from Kaira Collector to Revenue Department, Neriad, March 22, 1823, in Compilations Vol. 8/60, 1823, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives.
65Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1846–47 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1847), 7; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India, 4; Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1849–50 (Bombay: American Mission Press, 1850), 7; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41, 110–11; Captain M. Taylor to Colonel Low, Reports on District of Sharapoor, Sharapoor, June 23, 1848, in “Prospects of Cotton Cultivation in the Saugor and Narbadda Territories in the Nizam’s Dominions,” August 12, 1848, No. 3–11, Revenue Branch, Home Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Report from the Select Committee on the Growth of Cotton in India, House of Commons, v.
66Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Annual Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Official Year 1840–41, 104, 107; Copy of letter from C. W. Martin, Superintendent Cotton Farm in Gujerat, Broach, November 1830 to William Stubbs, Esq., Principal Collector, Surat, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, Revenue Department, in Maharahstra State Archives, Mumbai. See also Martin to Stubbs, 1st October 1831, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, Revenue Department, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.
67Peely, Acting Commercial Resident, Northern Factories, July 21, 1831, to Charles Norris, Esq., Civil Secretary to Government, Bombay, Compilations Vol. 22/350, 1831, Revenue Department, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Committee of Commerce and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society, On the Cultivation of Cotton in India, 13; Letter by H. A. Harrison, 1st Assistant Collector, Ootacmund, October 14, 1832, to L. R. Reid, Esq., Secretary to Government, Bombay, Compilations Vol. 7/412, 1832, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; “Cotton Farms, Proceedings respecting the formation of ________ in the Vicinity of Jails,” Compilation No. 118, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; copy of letter of T. H. Balier (?), Collector, Dharwar, 19th August 1825 to William Chaplin, Esq., Commissioner, Poona, in Compilations Vol. 26, 1835, “Consultation Cotton Investment,” in Commercial Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; long discussions on slavery in India can be found in Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, New Series, 15 (September–December 1834): 81–90. See also Factory Records, Dacca, G 15, 21 (1779), Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
68Copy of letter from J. Dunbar, Commissioner of Dacca, to Sudder, Board of Revenue, September 27, 1848, in Home Department, Revenue Branch, December 2, 1848, Nos. 10–18, in National Archives of India, New Delhi.
69E. R. J. Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 12; George R. Gliddon, A Memoir on the Cotton of Egypt (London: James Madden & Co., 1841), 11.
70Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 28–29, 32, 47; Gliddon, A Memoir on the Cotton of Egypt; “Commerce of Egypt,” in Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 8 (January 1843): 17; John Bowring, “Report on Egypt and Candia,” in Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers, 1840, vol. XXI, 19; Christos Hadziiossifm, “La Colonie Grecque en Egypte, 1833–1836” (PhD dissertation, Sorbonne, 1980), 111; John Bowring, “Report on Egypt and Candia (1840),” cited in Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 318.
71Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 36–37, 40.
72The graph on page 133 is based on information from “Commerce of Egypt,” 22; Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 34; Table 1, “Volume, Value, and Price of Egyptian Cotton Exports, 1821–1837,” 45; Table 5, “Volume, Value, and Price of Egyptian Cotton Exports, 1838–1859,” 73.
73From about 1823 to 1840. Robert Lévy, Histoire économique de l’industrie cotonnière en Alsace: Étude de sociologie descriptive (Paris: F. Alcan, 1912), 58; copy of a Memorial Respecting the Levant Trade to the Right Honourable The Board of Privy Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations, as copied in Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, meeting of February 9, 1825, in M8/2/1, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1821–27, Archives of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester.
74Bremer Handelsblatt (1853), as quoted in Ludwig Beutin, Von 3 Ballen zum Weltmarkt: Kleine Bremer Baumwollchronik, 1788–1872 (Bremen: Verlag Franz Leuwer, 1934), 25; Philip McMichael, “Slavery in Capitalism,” 327.
75Ellison, The Cotton Trade, 96.
76Albert Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China, 1871–1910,” Journal of Economic History 30 (June 1970): 340; Kang Chao, The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 4–13; Robert Fortune, Three Years’ Wanderings in the Northern Provinces of China, Including a Visit to the Tea, Silk, and Cotton Countries, With an Account of the Agriculture and Horticulture of the Chinese, New Plants, etc.(London: John Murray, 1847), 272–73; Koh Sung Jae, Stages of Industrial Development in Asia: A Comparative History of the Cotton Industry in Japan, India, China and Korea (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966), 28, 38, 45; William B. Hauser, Economic Institutional Change in Tokugawa Japan: Osaka and the Kinai Cotton Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 59, 117–20; Hameeda Hossain, The Company of Weavers of Bengal: The East India Company and the Organization of Textile Production in Bengal, 1750–1813 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988), 28.
77Kären Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery, 1750–1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Tench Coxe, An Addition, of December 1818, to the Memoir, of February and August 1817, on the Subject of the Cotton Culture, the Cotton Commerce, and the Cotton Manufacture of the United States, etc. (Philadelphia: n.p., 1818), 3; “Extracts and Abstract of a letter from W. Dunbar, Officiating Commissioner of Revenue in the Dacca Division, to Lord B. of [illegible], dated Dacca, May 2, 1844,” in MSS EUR F 78, 44, Wood Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
第6章 工业资本主义起飞1For biographical information on Burke see National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. 20 (New York: James T. White, 1929), 79. For Baranda see “Pedro Sainz de Baranda,” in Enciclopedia Yucatanense, vol. 7 (Ciudad de Mexico, D.F.: Edición oficial del Gobierno de Yucatan, 1977), 51–67; John L. Stevens, Incidents of Travel in Yucatan, vol. 2 (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1843), 329.
2Stevens, Incidents, 330; Howard F. Cline, “The ‘Aurora Yucateca’ and the Spirit of Enterprise in Yucatan, 1821–1847,” Hispanic American Historical Review 27, no. 1 (February 1947): 39–44; Enciclopedia Yucatanense, vol. 7, 61–62. See also Othón Baños Ramírez, Sociedad, estructura agraria, estado en Yucatán (Mérida: Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, 1990), 24.
3Gisela Müller, “Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Wiesentäler Textilindustrie bis zum Jahre 1945” (PhD dissertation, University of Basel, 1965), 35, 36; Richard Dietsche, “Die industrielle Entwicklung des Wiesentales bis zum Jahre 1870” (PhD dissertation, University of Basel, 1937), 16, 18, 30, 34, 37; Walter Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft im Rahmen der übrigen Industrien und Wirtschaftszweige (Zürich: Verlag Berichthaus, 1960), 226.
4Dietsche, “Die industrielle Entwicklung,” 18, 20, 21, 34, 47, 48, 61, 76; Friedrich Deher, Staufen und der obere Breisgau: Chronik einer Landschaft (Karlsruhe: Verlag G. Braun, 1967), 191–92; Eberhard Gothein, Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Schwarzwaldes und der angrenzenden Landschaften (Strassburg: Karl J. Truebner, 1892), 754; Müller, “Die Entstehung und Entwicklung,” 33, 47; Hugo Ott, “Der Schwarzwald: Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung seit dem ausgehenden 18. Jahrhundert,” in Franz Quarthal, ed., Zwischen Schwarzwald und Schwäbischer Alb: Das Land am oberen Neckar (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1984), 399.
5Arthur L. Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry in France and the Anglo-French Treaty of Commerce of 1860,” Economic History Review 1, no. 2 (January 1928): 282; Gerhard Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands und der westlichen Nachbarländer beim Übergang von der vorindustriellen zur frühindustriellen Zeit, 1750–1815 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2001), 76; R. M. R. Dehn, The German Cotton Industry (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1913), 3; J. K. J. Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization: Cotton in Barcelona, 1728–1832 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 248; J. Dhondt, “The Cotton Industry at Ghent During the French Regime,” in F. Crouzet, W. H. Chaloner, and W. M. Stern, eds., Essays in European Economic History, 1789–1914 (London: Edward Arnold, 1969), 18; Georg Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer bezw. sächsischen Baumwollspinnerei von 1789–1879” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1914), 19; Rudolf Forberger, Die industrielle Revolution in Sachsen 1800–1861, Bd. 1, zweiter Halbband: Die Revolution der Produktivkräfte in Sachsen 1800–1830. Übersichten zur Fabrikentwicklung(Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1982), 14; Albert Tanner, “The Cotton Industry of Eastern Switzerland, 1750–1914: From Proto-industry to Factory and Cottage Industry,” Textile History 23, no. 2 (1992): 139; Wolfgang Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla (Mexiko) im 19. Jahrhundert” (PhD dissertation, University of Bonn, 1977), 144; E. R. J. Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 23–24.
6On concerns among British manufacturers about this spread, see The Sixteenth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester for the Year 1836 Made to the Annual General Meeting of the Members, held February 13th 1837 (Manchester: Henry Smith, 1837), 13.
7Sydney Pollard 正确地强调工业化在这一点时（在铁路之前）不是国家发展，而是区域发展；欧洲有工业化地区（例如加泰罗尼亚）。Sydney Pollard, Peaceful Conquest: The Industrialization of Europe, 1760–1970 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981); see also Joel Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries, 1795–1850 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976), 26, 28.
8Günter Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der deutschen Baumwollindustrie im 19. Jahr-hundert: Eine historische Modellstudie zur empirischen Wachstumsforschung” (PhD dissertation, University of Münster, 1973), 30, 41; Francisco Mariano Nipho, Estafeta de Londres (Madrid: n.p., 1770), 44, as quoted in Pierre Vilar, La Catalogne dans l’Espagne moderne: Recherches sur le fondements économiques des structures nationales, vol. 2 (Paris: S.E.V.P.E.N., 1962), 10; Pavel A. Khromov, Ékonomika Rossii Perioda Promyshlennogo Kapitalizma (Moscow: 1963), 80; Howard F. Cline, “Spirit of Enterprise in Yucatan,” in Lewis Hanke, ed., History of Latin American Civilization, vol. 2 (London: Methuen, 1969), 133; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands, 153; Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry,” 288; B. M. Biucchi, “Switzerland, 1700–1914,” in Carlo M. Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History of Europe, vol. 4, part 2 (Glasgow: Collins, 1977), 634; Robert Lévy, Histoire économique de l’industrie cotonnière en Alsace (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1912), 87, 89; United States Census Bureau, Manufactures of the United States in 1860; Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census under the Direction of the Secretary of the Interior (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1865), xvii; Ronald Bailey, “The Slave(ry) Trade and the Development of Capitalism in the United States: The Textile Industry in New England,” in Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman, eds., The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1992), 221.
9Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 281.
10Dhondt, “The Cotton Industry at Ghent,” 15; Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes,” 33; Max Hamburger, “Standortgeschichte der deutschen Baumwoll-Industrie” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1911), 19; Wallace Daniel, “Entrepreneurship and the Russian Textile Industry: From Peter the Great to Catherine the Great,” Russian Review 54, no. 1 (January 1995): 1–25; Lévy, Histoire économique, 1ff.; Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 181–203.
11Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands, 16, 54; Maurice Lévy Leboyer, Les banques européennes et l’industrialisation internationale dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle (Paris: [Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Paris], 1964); Dhondt, “The Cotton Industry at Ghent,” 16; William L. Blackwell, The Beginnings of Russian Industrialization, 1800–1860 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968), 44; M. V. Konotopov et al. Istoriia otechestvennoǐ tekstil’ noi promyshlennosti (Moscow, 1992), 94, 96. This process is also detailed for Alsace in Raymond Oberlé, “La siècle des lumières et les débuts de l’industrialisation,” in George Livet and Raymond Oberlé, eds., Histoire de Mulhouse des origines à nos jours (Strasbourg: Istra, 1977), 127; Paul Leuilliot, “L’essor économique du XIXe siècle et les transformations de la cité,” in Livet and Oberlé, eds., Histoire de Mulhouse, 182.
12For the concept of proto-industrialization see P. Kriedte, H. Medick, and J. Schlumbohm, Industrialization Before Industrialization: Rural Industry in the Genesis of Capitalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981); Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer,” 17–18; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 13.
13Albert Tanner, Spulen, Weben, Sticken: Die Industrialisierung in Appenzell Ausserrhoden (Zürich: Juris Druck, 1982), 8, 19; Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizer-ischen Textilwirtschaft, 231; John Bowring, Bericht an das Englische Parlament über den Handel, die Fabriken und Gewerbe der Schweiz (Zürich: Orell, Fuessli und Compa-gnie, 1837), 37.
14Shepard B. Clough, The Economic History of Modern Italy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964), 62; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 12; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands, 49. On the obrajes see the important work by Richard J. Salvucci, Textiles and Capitalism in Mexico: An Economic History of the Obrajes, 1539–1840 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987); Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla,” 34.
15Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer,” 18.
16Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 279, 339; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 208; Lévy, Histoire économique, 1ff., 14–52; Roger Portal, “Muscovite Industrialists: The Cotton Sector, 1861–1914,” in Blackwell, ed., Russian Economic Development, 174.
17Barbara M. Tucker, Samuel Slater and the Origins of the American Textile Industry, 1790–1860 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984), 52, 97.
18William Holmes to James Holmes, Kingston, March 10, 1813, in Folder 49, John Holmes Papers, Manuscripts and Archives Division, New York Public Library, New York.
19Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer,” 32; Enciclopedia Yucatanense, vol. 7, 62. On the annual wages of skilled workers see Michael P. Costeloe, The Central Republic in Mexico, 1835–1846: Hombres de Bien in the Age of Santa Anna (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 108. Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace, 328, 330, 340.
20Robert F. Dalzell, Enterprising Elite: The Boston Associates and the World They Made (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987), 27. The exchange rate is taken from Patrick Kelly, The Universal Cambist and Commercial Instructor: Being a General Treatise on Exchange, Including Monies, Coins, Weights and Measures of All Trading Nations and Their Colonies, vol. 1 (London: Lackington, Allen, and Co. [et al.], 1811), 12; Thomas Dublin, “Rural Putting-Out Work in Early Nineteenth-Century New England: Women and the Transition to Capitalism in the Countryside,” New England Quarterly 64, no. 4 (December 1, 1991): 536–37. See the analysis of ex-slaves’ narratives at “Ex-Slave Narratives: Lowell Cloth,” accessed August 12, 2013, http://library.uml.edu/clh/All/Lowcl.htm; Pierre Gervais, “The Cotton ‘Factory’ in a Pre-industrial Economy: An Exploration of the Boston Manufacturing Company, 1815–1820” (unpublished paper, in author’s possession, 2003), 3; Peter Temin, “Product Quality and Vertical Integration in the Early Cotton Textile Industry,” Journal of Economic History 48, no. 4 (December 1988): 897; Ronald Bailey, “The Other Side of Slavery: Black Labor, Cotton, and Textile Industrialization in Great Britain and the United States,” Agricultural History 68, no. 2 (Spring 1994): 45, 49.
21Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace, 335–38; Heinrich Herkner, Die oberelsäss-ische Baumwollindustrie und ihre Arbeiter (Strassburg: K. J. Trübner, 1887), 92; Pierre-Alain Wavre, “Swiss Investments in Italy from the XVIIIth to the XXth Century,” Journal of European Economic History 17, no. 1 (Spring 1988), 86–87; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 7, 117; Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla,” 225, 244.
22M. L. Gavlin, Iz istorii rossiǐskogo predprinimatel’stva: dinastiia Knopov: nauchno-analiticheskiǐ obzor (Moscow: INION AN SSSR, 1995), 12, 14, 16, 19, 21, 29ff., 36; Blackwell, The Beginnings, 241.
23Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace, 388; Paulette Teissonniere-Jestin, “Itinéraire social d’une grande famille mulhousienne: Les Schlumberger de 1830 à 1930” (PhD dissertation, University of Limoges, 1982), 129, 149; Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse 1 (1828); Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse 2 (1829); Bulletin de la Société Industrielle de Mulhouse 22 (1832): 113–36; David Allen Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace, 1830–1945 (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2001), 49.
24Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands, 67.
25Wright Armitage to Enoch Armitage, Dukinfield, April 16, 1817, in Armitage Papers, Manuscripts and Archives Division, New York Public Library, New York; see also the letters in the Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, record group MCK, box 2/1/1; Letterbook, 1805–1810, box 2/2/3; Letterbook, May 1814 to September 1816, box 2/2/5; Consignments Book, 1809–1829, box 3/3/11; Buchanan, Mann & Co. to McConnel & Kennedy, Calcutta, November 3, 1824, box 2/1/30, all in Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John Rylands Library, Manchester; William Radcliffe, Origin of the New System of Manufacture Commonly Called “Power-loom Weaving” and the Purposes for which this System was Invented and Brought into Use(Stockport: J. Lomax, 1828), 131. Analysis of all correspondence of McConnel & Kennedy for the year 1825 in McConnel & Kennedy Papers, Record Group MCK/2, John Rylands Library, Manchester; D. A. Farnie, John Rylands of Manchester(Manchester: John Rylands University Library of Manchester, 1993), 5, 10, 13. See also Memorial Book for John Rylands, 1888, Manchester, Record Group JRL/2/2, Archive of Rylands & Sons Ltd, John Rylands Library, Manchester.
26Yarn Delivery Book, 1836–38, record group MCK, box 3/3/12, Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, John Rylands Library, Manchester; Stanley Chapman, Merchant Enterprise in Britain: From the Industrial Revolution to World War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 62, 69ff., 92, 109, 113, 133, 136, 139, 164, 168, 173, 176; Bill Williams, The Making of Manchester Jewry, 1740–1875 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1976), 81. Farnie, John Rylands, 4; British Packet and Argentine News, February 9, 1850, August 3, 1850; Vera Blinn Reber, British Mercantile Houses in Buenos Aires, 1810–1880 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979), 58, 59; Carlos Newland, “Exports and Terms of Trade in Argentina, 1811–1870,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 17, no. 3 (1998): 409–16; D. C. M. Platt, Latin America and British Trade, 1806–1914 (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1972), 15, 39; H. S. Ferns, “Investment and Trade Between Britain and Argentina in the Nineteenth Century,” Economic History Review, New Series, 3, no. 2 (1950): 207, 210; Blankenhagen & Gethen to Hugh Dallas, London, November 18, 1818, file 003/1–1/24, Dallas Papers, in Banco de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Archivo y Museo Históricos, Buenos Aires. See also R. F. Alexander to Hugh Dallas, Glasgow, March 19, 1819, in ibid. Some merchants also wrote to Dallas and asked him if he would accept consignments from them; see for example Baggott y Par to Hugh Dallas, Liverpool, April 2, 1821, in ibid., file 003/1–1/13; King & Morrison to Hugh Dallas, Glasgow, April 25, 1819, in Blankenhagen & Gethen to Hugh Dallas, London, November 18, 1818, in ibid.
27D. C. M. Platt, Latin America and British Trade, 39, 42, 51; Eugene W. Ridings, “Business Associationalism, the Legitimation of Enterprise, and the Emergence of a Business Elite in Nineteenth-Century Brazil,” Business History Review 63, no. 4 (Winter 1989): 758; Stanley J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 8–9, 14.
28Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 231, 276, 281; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands, 58; Dehn, The German Cotton Industry, 3.
29See Warren C. Scoville, “Spread of Techniques: Minority Migrations and the Diffusion of Technology,” Journal of Economic History 11, no. 4 (1951): 347–60; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands, 72; Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry,” 283; Jack A. Goldstone, “Gender, Work, and Culture: Why the Industrial Revolution Came Early to England but Late to China,” Sociological Perspectives 39, no. 1 (Spring 1996): 2.
30W. O. Henderson, Britain and Industrial Europe, 1750–1870: Studies in British Influence on the Industrial Revolution in Western Europe (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1954), 4, 7, 102, 267; Kristine Bruland, British Technology and European Industrialization: The Norwegian Textile Industry in the Mid-Nineteenth Century (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 3, 14; David J. Jeremy, Damming the Flood: British Government Efforts to Check the Outflow of Technicians and Machinery, 1780–1843 (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1977), 32–33; Jan Dhont and Marinette Bruwier, “The Low Countries, 1700–1914,” in Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History of Europe, vol. 4, part 1, 348; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands, 77, 127; David J. Jeremy, Transatlantic Industrial Revolution: The Diffusion of Textile Technology Between Britain and America, 1790–1830 (North Andover and Cambridge, MA: Merrimack Valley Textile Museum/MIT Press, 1981), 17; David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 148; Rondo Cameron, “The Diffusion of Technology as a Problem in Economic History,” Economic Geography 51, no. 3 (July 1975): 221; John Macgregor, The Commercial and Financial Legislation of Europe and North America (London: Henry Hooper, 1841), 290.
31Dominique Barjot, “Les entrepreneurs de Normandie, du Maine et de l’Anjou à l’époque du Second Empire,” Annales de Normandie 38, no. 2–3 (May–July 1988): 99–103; Henderson, Britain and Industrial Europe, 12, 28; Paul Leuilliot, “L’essor économique du XIXe siècle et les transformations de la cité,” in Livet and Oberlé, eds., Histoire de Mulhouse, 184. See Camille Koechlin, Cahier des notes faites en Angleterre 1831, 667 Ko 22 I, Collection Koechlin, Bibliothèque, Musée de l’Impression sur Etoffes, Mulhouse, France.
32Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 276–77; Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 249; Henderson, Britain and Industrial Europe, 142, 194–95; Andrea Komlosy, “Austria and Czechoslovakia: The Habsburg Monarchy and Its Successor States,” in Lex Heerma van Voss, Els Hiemstra-Kuperus, and Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 1650–2000 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010), 53.
33Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla,” 108, 109, 237; Jeremy, Transatlantic Industrial Revolution, 5, 6, 77, 78; Dalzell, Enterprising Elite; Jeremy, Transatlantic Industrial Revolution, 41; Bruland, British Technology, 18.
34Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 278; Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung,” 25; Cameron, “The Diffusion of Technology,” 220; Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace, 366–70, 403ff.; Bernard Volger and Michel Hau, Historie économique de l’Alsace: Croissance, crises, innovations: Vingt siècles de dévelopement régional (Strasbourg: Éditions la nuée bleue, 1997), 146ff.; Dave Pretty, “The Cotton Textile Industry in Russia and the Soviet Union,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 424; J. K. J. Thomson, “Explaining the ‘Take-off’ of the Catalan Cotton Industry,” Economic History Review 58, no. 4 (November 2005): 727; Letter of Delegates of the Junta de Comercio, legajo 23, no. 21, fos. 6–11, Biblioteca de Catalunya, Barcelona; Herkner, Die oberelsässische Baumwollindustrie, 72ff.; Melvin T. Copeland, The Cotton Manufacturing Industry of the United States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1917), 9, 69, 70.
35Mokyr, Industrialization in the Low Countries, 39; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands, 89–90; Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung,” 21; Konotopov et al., Istoriia, 79, 92; Lars K. Christensen, “Denmark: The Textile Industry and the Forming of Modern Industry,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 144; Alexander Hamilton, “Report on the Subject of Manufactures, December 5, 1971,” in Alexander Hamilton, Writings (New York: Library of America, 2001), 647–734; Samuel Rezneck, “The Rise and Early Development of Industrial Consciousness in the United States, 1760–1830,” Journal of Economic and Business History 4 (1932): 784–811; Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla,” 41.
36Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands, 67; Herkner, Die oberelsässische Baumwollindustrie, 92, 95; Hau, L’industrialisation de l’Alsace, 209ff.; Oberlé, “La siècle des lumières,” 164; Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung,” 23, 28, 37, 68.
37Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 278; Tanner, Spulen, Weben, Sticken, 24, 33, 44.
38Douglas A. Irwin and Peter Temin, “The Antebellum Tariff on Cotton Textiles Revisited,” Journal of Economic History 61, no. 3 (September 2001): 795; U. S. Department of the Treasury, Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, “Cultivation, Manufacture and Foreign Trade of Cotton,” March 4, 1836, Doc. No. 146, Treasury Department, House of Representatives, 24th Congress, 1st Session (Washington, DC: Blaire & Rives, Printers, 1836); Jeremy, Transatlantic Industrial Revolution, 96; Mary B. Rose, The Gregs of Quarry Bank Mill: The Rise and Decline of a Family Firm, 1750–1914 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 46.
39Wright Armitage to Rev. Benjamin Goodier, Dunkinfield, March 2, 1817, in Box 1, Armitage Family Papers, Special Collections, New York Public Library, New York.
40Temin, “Product Quality,” 898; Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry,” 281; Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung,” 43; United States Department of State, Report in the Commercial Relations of the United States with Foreign Nations: Comparative Tariffs; Tabular Statements of the Domestic Exports of the United States; Duties on Importation of the Staple or Principal Production of the United States into Foreign Countries (Washington, DC: Gales and Seaton, 1842), 534–35.
41Paul Leuilliot, “L’essor économique du XIXe siècle et les transformations de la cité,” in Livet and Oberlé, eds., Histoire de Mulhouse, 190; Dietsche, “Die industrielle Entwicklung,” 56–57; Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung,” 47, 51–52. For the importance of tariffs see also R. Dehn, The German Cotton Industry, 4; Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum,” 185; Friedrich List, National System of Political Economy (New York: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1904), 169; Angel Smith et al., “Spain,” in Van Voss et al., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 455. 还有许多其他国家征收高额进口税; for a survey see United States Department of State, Report in the Commercial Relations of the United States with Foreign Nations, 534–35.
42Temin, “Product Quality,” 897, 898; Irwin and Temin, “The Antebellum Tariff,” 780–89, 796. The 84 percent number (which is probably not entirely accurate) is taken from Hannah Josephson, The Golden Threads: New England Mill Girls and Magnates (New York: Russell & Russell, 1949), 30. For the role of the “Boston Associates” in the import of Indian cottons, see James Fichter, “Indian Textiles and American Industrialization, 1790–1820” (unpublished paper, GEHN Conference, University of Padua, November 17–19, 2005, in author’s possession).
43Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla,” 14, 16, 31, 35, 39, 43, 45, 48, 55; Rafael Dobado Gonzáles, Aurora Gómez Galvarriato, and Jefferey G. Williamson, “Globalization, De-industrialization and Mexican Exceptionalism, 1750–1879,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 12316, June 2006, 5, 12, 13, 15, 35, 36, 40; see also Colin M. Lewis, “Cotton Textiles and Labour-Intensive Industrialization Since 1825” (unpublished paper, Global Economic History Network Conference, Osaka, December 16–18, 2004, in author’s possession); Esteban de Antuñano, Memoria breve de la industria manufacturera de México, desde el año de 1821 hasta el presente (Puebla: Oficina del Hospital de S. Pedro, 1835); Esteban de Antuñano to Señor D. Carlos Bustamente, Puebla, December 4, 1836, as reprinted in Esteban de Antuñano, Breve memoria del estado que guarda la fabrica de hildaos de algodon Constancia Mexicana y la industria de este ramo(Puebla: Oficinia des Hospital de San Pedro, 1837), 4; David W. Walker, Kinship, Business, and Politics: The Martinez del Rio Family in Mexico, 1824–1867 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986), 138; Camera de Disputados, Dictamen de la Comisión de Industria, sobre la prohibición de hilaza y ejidos de algodón (1835).
44David W. Walker, Kinship, Business, and Politics: The Martinez del Rio Family in Mexico, 1824–1867 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986), 149, 151, 162; Gonzáles, Galvarriato, and Williamson, “Globalization,” 41. The number for India refers to the year 1887.
45J. Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 204; Daniel, “Entrepreneurship and the Russian Textile Industry,” 8; W. Lochmueller, Zur Entwicklung der Baumwollindustrie in Deutschland (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1906), 17; Hans-Werner Hahn, Die industrielle Revolution in Deutschland (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1998), 27. For a survey on the impact of states on European industrialization see Barry Supple, “The State and the Industrial Revolution, 1700–1914,” in Carlo M. Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History of Europe, vol. 3 (Glasgow: Collins, 1977), 301–57.
46J. Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 270; Jordi Nadal, “Spain, 1830–1914,” in Carlo M. Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History of Europe, vol. 4, part 2, 607; Smith et al., “Spain,” in Van Voss et al., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 453.
47Thomson, “Explaining,” 711–17.
48Thomson, A Distinctive Industrialization, 274–75, 299. 1793年，西班牙生产者使用的原棉量是英国的16.06%，到1808年，这一比例下降到6 - 7.25%，到1816年下降到2.2%; James Clayburn La Force Jr., The Development of the Spanish Textile Industry, 1750–1800 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), 16; Jordi Nadal, “Spain, 1830–1914,” in Cipolla, The Fontana Economic History of Europe, vol. 4, part 2, 608.
49Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 525; Wilma Pugh, “Calonne’s ‘New Deal,’” Journal of Modern History 11, no. 3 (1939): 289–312; François-Joseph Ruggiu, “India and the Reshaping of the French Colonial Policy, 1759–1789,” in Itinerario 35, no. 2 (August 2011): 25–43; Alfons van der Kraan, “The Birth of the Dutch Cotton Industry, 1830–1840,” in Douglas A. Farnie and David J. Jeremy, eds., The Fibre that Changed the World: The Cotton Industry in International Perspective, 1600–1990s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 285; Jan Luiten van Zanden and Arthur van Riel, The Strictures of Inheritance: The Dutch Economy in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), 39–40; Mokyr, Industry 32, 103, 105, 107, 108.
50Mokyr, Industry, 31, 34–35; Dhont and Bruwier, “The Low Countries, 1700–1914,” 358–59.
51Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft, 290, 344–46; Bowring, Bericht an das Englische Parlament, 4. Tanner, “The Cotton Industry of Eastern Switzerland,” 150. 德意志地区棉花工业在很大程度上也以类似的方式依赖其出口能力，特别是对北美的出口能力; Dehn, The German Cotton Industry, 18; Dietrich Ebeling et al., “The German Wool and Cotton Industry from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century,” in Van Voss et al., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 208.
52Mary Jo Maynes, “Gender, Labor, and Globalization in Historical Perspective: European Spinsters in the International Textile Industry, 1750–1900,” Journal of Women’s History 15, no. 4 (Winter 2004): 48.
53Chapman, The Cotton Industry, 22; C. H. Lee, “The Cotton Textile Industry,” in Roy Church, ed., The Dynamics of Victorian Business: Problems and Perspectives to the 1870s (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1980), 161; Adelmann, Die Baumwollgewerbe Nordwestdeutschlands, 153; Dunham, “The Development of the Cotton Industry,” 288; Richard Leslie Hills, Power from Steam: A History of the Stationary Steam Engine (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 117. These numbers are notoriously inaccurate and are just approximations. Chapman, The Cotton Industry, 29; Anthony Howe, The Cotton Masters, 1830–1860 (New York: Clarendon Press, 1984), 6; The Thirty-Fifth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester, for the Year 1855 (Manchester: James Collins, 1856), 15.
54Joseph E. Inikori, Africans and the Industrial Revolution in England: A Study in International Trade and Economic Development (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 436; P. K. O’Brien and S. L. Engerman, “Exports and the Growth of the British Economy from the Glorious Revolution to the Peace of Amiens,” in Barbara Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 184, 188; Lee, “The Cotton Textile Industry,” 165; Lars G. Sandberg, “Movements in the Quality of British Cotton Textile Exports,” Journal of Economic History 28, no. 1 (March 1968): 15–19; Manchester Commercial Association Minutes, 1845–1858, record group M8/7/1, Manchester Archives and Library, Manchester.
55For this argument, see also Jeremy Adelman, “Non-European Origins of European Revolutions” (unpublished paper, Making Europe: The Global Origins of the Old World Conference, Freiburg, 2010), 25.
56Afaf Lutfi Al-Sayyid Marsot, Egypt in the Reign of Muhammad Ali (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 162; Robert L. Tignor, Egyptian Textiles and British Capital, 1930–1956 (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1989), 9; Joel Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers: From Craft Artisans Facing European Competition to Proletarians Contending with the State,” in Van Voss et al., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 174.
57Tignor, Egyptian Textiles, 9; Marsot, Egypt, 166; Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 23–24.
58Jean Batou, “Muhammad-Ali’s Egypt, 1805–1848: A Command Economy in the 19th Century?,” in Jean Batou, ed., Between Development and Underdevelopment: The Precocious Attempts at Industrialization of the Periphery, 1800–1870 (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991), 187; Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 44.
59Marsot, Egypt, 171, 181. By 1838, as many as thirty thousand workers might have labored in Egypt’s cotton spinning mills. Colonel Campbell, Her Britannic Majesty’s Agent and Consul-General in Egypt to John Bowring, Cairo, January 18, 1838, as reprinted in John Bowring, Report on Egypt and Candia (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1840), 186; Batou, “Muhammad-Ali’s Egypt,” 181, 185, 199; Ausland (1831), 1016.
60Marsot, Egypt, 171; Colonel Campbell, Her Britannic Majesty’s Agent and Consul-General in Egypt to John Bowring, Cairo, January 18, 1838, as reprinted in Bowring, Report on Egypt, 35; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British and Foreign India, China, and Australia, New Series, 4 (March 1831): 133.
61Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British and Foreign India, China, and Australia, New Series, 5 (May–August 1831): 62; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British and Foreign India, China, and Australia, New Series, 4 (April 1831): 179, quoting an article from the Indian Gazette, October 5, 1830.
62Rapport à Son Altesse Mehemet Ali, Vice Roi d’Égypt, sur la Filature et le Tissage du Cotton, par Jules Poulain, f78, Add. Mss. 37466, Egyptian State Papers, 1838–1849, Manuscript Division, British Library, London.
63Marsot, Egypt, 169, 184; Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers,” 177.
64Batou, “Muhammad-Ali’s Egypt,” 182, 201–2; Historical Dictionary of Egypt, 3rd ed. (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2003), 388; Marsot, Egypt, 177; Tignor, Egyptian Textiles, 8; Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers,” 178; Joel Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers: From Craft Artisans Facing European Competition to Proletarians Contending with the State” (unpublished paper, Textile Conference IISH, November 2004), 6.
65The existence of a vibrant proto-industry is rightly emphasized in John Dickinson and Robert Delson, “Enterprise Under Colonialism: A Study of Pioneer Industrialization in Brazil, 1700–1830” (working paper, Institute of Latin American Studies, University of Liverpool, 1991), esp. 52; see also Hercuclano Gomes Mathias, Algodão no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Index Editoria, 1988), 67, 83; Maria Regina and Ciparrone Mello, A industrialização do algodão em São Paulo (São Paulo: Editoria Perspectiva, 1983), 23; Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture, 2, 4, 20–21; Roberta Marx Delson, “Brazil: The Origin of the Textile Industry,” in Van Voss et al., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 75, 77, 934; Gonzáles, Galvarriato, and Williamson, “Globalization,” 17.
66Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture, 15.
67Ibid., 7, 13; Eugene W. Ridings Jr., “The Merchant Elite and the Development of Brazil: The Case of Bahia During the Empire,” Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 15, no. 3 (August 1973): 336, 337, 342–45.
68Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture, 5–6, 51–52; Ridings Jr., “The Merchant Elite and the Development of Brazil,” 344.
69W. A. Graham Clark, Cotton Goods in Latin America: Part 1, Cuba, Mexico, and Central America: Transmitted to Congress in Compliance with the Act of March 4, 1909 Authorizing Investigations of Trade Conditions Abroad (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1909), 9.
70即使有一位作者试图证明“南方工业化”重要性，他最终还是提供了这些努力的软弱无力的充分的证据。See Michael Gagnon, Transition to an Industrial South: Athens, Georgia, 1830–1870 (Baton Rouge: Lousiana State University Press, 2012); Broadus Mitchell, The Rise of Cotton Mills in the South (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1921), 21. In 1831, cloth output in the North was seventeen times as large as that in the slave states. See Friends of Domestic Industry, Reports of the Committees of the Friends of Domestic Industry, assembled at New York, Octber 31, 1831 (1831), 9–47. 这些工厂与后来的南方工业化之间也存在着根本的不连续性。
71Richard Roberts, “West Africa and the Pondicherry Textile Industry,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 31, no. 2 (June 1994): 142–45, 151, 153, 158; Tirthankar Roy, “The Long Globalization and Textile Producers in India,” in Van Voss et al., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 266; Dwijendra Tripathi, Historical Roots of Industrial Entrepreneurship in India and Japan: A Comparative Interpretation (New Delhi: Manohar, 1997), 104, 105.
72Howard F. Cline, “The Spirit of Enterprise in Yucatan,” 138; Jorge Munoz Gonzalez, Valladolid: 450 Años de Luz (Valladolid: Ayuntamiento de Valladolid, 1993), 40; Ramírez, Sociedad, Estructura Agraria, 35.
73Dale W. Tomich, Through the Prism of Slavery (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littefield, 2004), 70.
74Rosa Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1951), chapter 26.