1John R. Killick, “Atlantic and Far Eastern Models in the Cotton Trade, 1818–1980,” University of Leeds School of Business and Economic Studies, Discussion Paper Series, June 1994, 1; Toyo Menka Kaisha, The Indian Cotton Facts 1930(Bombay: Toyo Menka Kaisha Ltd., 1930), n.p.
2在这条线开通之际，英国总督本人把新的事态明确地与美国内战联系起来。“Opening of the Khamgaon Railway,” Times of India, March 11, 1870, reprinted in Moulvie Syed Mahdi Ali, Hyderabad Affairs, vol. 4 (Bombay: Printed at the Times of India Steam Press, 1883), 199. On Khamgaon see also John Henry Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69 (Bombay: Printed at the Education Society’s Press, 1869), 98ff., 131; A. C. Lydall, Gazetteer for the Haidarabad Assigned Districts, Commonly Called Berar (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1870), 230, in record group V/27/65/112, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
3Haywood to Messers. Mosley and Hurst, Manchester, May 15, 1861, as reprinted in Times of India, July 18, 1861, 3. Very similar also Cotton Supply Reporter (June 15, 1861): 530; “Cotton Districts of Berar and Raichove Doab,” India Office, London, to Governor in Council Bombay, December 17, 1862, Compilation No. 119, Compilations, Vol. 26, 1862–1864, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; J. B. Smith (Stockport) in Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, vol. 167, June 19, 1862 (London: Cornelius Buck, 1862), 761; Cotton Supply Reporter (January 2, 1865); Arthur W. Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton, 1847–1872 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1966), 179; printed letter from A. J. Dunlop to the Secretary of the Government of India, Revenue, Agriculture and Commerce, Hyderabad, April 2, 1878, Hyderabad Assigned Districts, India, Department of Land Records and Agriculture, Reports, 1876–1891, record group V/24, file 4266, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
4George Reinhart, Volkart Brothers: In Commemoration of the Seventy-Fifth Anniversary of the Foundation (Winterthur: n.p., 1926); The Volkart’s United Press Company Limited, Dossier 10, Volkart Archives, Winterthur, Switzerland. 关于从福尔卡特兄弟公司角度看印度棉花贸易的发展情况，见 Jakob Brack-Liechti, “Einige Betrachtungen über den indischen Baumwollmarkt aus älterer Zeit, 23.2.1918,” Volkart Archives; Salomon Volkart to “Bombay,” Winterthur, March 17, 1870, and Salomon Volkart to “Bombay,” Winterthur, May 27, 1870, in Correspondence of Salomon Volkart, second copy book, Winterthur, 1865–1867, Volkart Archives.
5Hyderabad Assigned Districts, Land Records and Agriculture Department, Report on the Rail and Road-borne Trade in the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for the Year 1894–95 (Hyderabad: Residency Government Press, 1895), Appendix B; Laxman D. Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 1850–1900 (New Delhi: Manohar, 1997), 168; Hyderabad Assigned Districts, Land Records and Agriculture Department, Report on the Trade of the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for the Year 1882–83(Hyderabad: Residency Government Press, 1883), 4, record group V/24, Reports, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Correspondence of Salomon Volkart, second copy book, Winterthur, 1865–1867, in Volkart Archives, Winterthur, Switzerland; The Volkart’s United Press Company Limited, Dossier 10, Volkart Archives; “Chronology of Events in Bombay,” in Dossier 3, Bombay 1:4, Volkart Archives; Walter H. Rambousek et al., Volkart: The History of a World Trading Company (Frankfurt am Main: Insel Verlag, 1991), 72; Kaisha, The Indian Cotton Facts 1930, 50–51; printed letter from A. J. Dunlop to the Secretary of the Government of India, Revenue, Agriculture and Commerce, Hyderabad, April 2, 1878, in Hyderabad Assigned Districts, Land Records and Agriculture Department, Report on the Trade of the Hyderabad Assigned Districts for the Year 1877–78 (Hyderabad: Residency Government Press, 1878), 4, in record group V/24, Reports, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Kagotani Naoto, “Up-Country Purchase Activities of Indian Raw Cotton by Tōyō Menka’s Bombay Branch, 1896–1935,” in S. Sugiyama and Linda Grove, Commercial Networks in Modern Asia (Curzon: Richmond, 2001), 199, 200.
6Christof Dejung, “The Boundaries of Western Power: The Colonial Cotton Economy in India and the Problem of Quality,” in Christof Dejung and Niels P. Petersson, eds., The Foundations of Worldwide Economic Integration: Power, Institutions, and Global Markets, 1850–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 148.
7Douglas E. Haynes, “Market Formation in Khandeshh, 1820–1930,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 36, no. 3 (1999): 294; Asiatic Review (October 1, 1914): 294; C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914 (Oxford: Blackwell, 2004), 138; Dwijendra Tripathi, “An Echo Beyond the Horizon: The Effect of American Civil War on India,” in T. K. Ravindran, ed., Journal of Indian History: Golden Jubilee Volume (Trivandrum: University of Kerala, 1973), 660; Marika Vicziany, “Bombay Merchants and Structural Changes in the Export Community 1850 to 1880,” in K. N. Chaudhuri and Clive Dewey, eds., Economy and Society: Essays in Indian Economic and Social History (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1979), 163–96; Marika Vicziany, “The Cotton Trade and the Commercial Development of Bombay, 1855–75” (PhD dissertation, University of London, 1975), 170–71.
8Arnold Wright, ed., Twentieth Century Impressions of Egypt: Its History, People, Commerce, Industries, and Resources (London: Lloyd’s Greater Britain Publishing Company, 1909), 285; Alexander Kitroeff, The Greeks in Egypt, 1919–1937 (Oxford: Middle East Centre, Oxford University, 1989), 76, 86; Cinquante ans de labeur: The Kafr-El-Zayat Cotton Company Ltd., 1894–1944, in Rare Books and Special Collections Library, American University in Cairo; Ekthesis tou en Alexandria Genikou Proxeniou tis Egyptou 1883–1913 (Athens: n.p., 1915), 169–70.
9Meltem Toksöz, “The Çukurova: From Nomadic Life to Commercial Agriculture, 1800–1908” (PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton, 2000), 103, 106, 120, 125, 137, 174, 191, 193, 245; W. F. Bruck, Türkische Baumwollwirtschaft: Eine Kolonialwirtschaftliche und -politische Untersuchung (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1919), 9; William K. Meyers, Forge of Progress, Crucible of Revolt: Origins of the Mexican Revolution in La Comarca Lagunera, 1880–1911(Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994), 48; Charles S. Aiken, The Cotton Plantation South Since the Civil War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 60.
10L. Tuffly Ellis, “The Revolutionizing of the Texas Cotton Trade, 1865–1885,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 73, no. 4 (1970): 479.
11Harold D. Woodman, “The Decline of Cotton Factorage after the Civil War,” American Historical Review 71, no. 4 (1966): 1220ff., 1236; Ellis, “The Revolutionizing of the Texas Cotton Trade,” 505.
12Woodman, “The Decline of Cotton Factorage after the Civil War,” 1223, 1228, 1231, 1239; Bradstreet’s: A Journal of Trade, Finance and Public Economy 11 (February 14, 1885): 99–100; John R. Killick, “The Transformation of Cotton Marketing in the Late Nineteenth Century: Alexander Sprunt and Son of Wilmington, N.C., 1884–1956,” Business History Review 55, no. 2 (Summer 1981): 162, 168.
13Killick, “Atlantic and Far Eastern Models in the Cotton Trade,” 17; Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (London: Effingham Wilson, 1886), 280.
14See, for example, Albert C. Stevens, “‘Futures’ in the Wheat Market,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 2, no. 1 (October 1887): 37–63; Jonathan Ira Levy, “Contemplating Delivery: Futures Trading and the Problem of Commodity Exchange in the United States, 1875–1905,” American Historical Review 111, no. 2 (April 2006): 314; Alston Hill Garside, Cotton Goes to Market: A Graphic Description of a Great Industry (New York: Stokes, 1935), 166. 关于不来梅导入期货贸易的讨论，见 W II, 3, Baumwollterminhandel, Archive of the Handelskammer Bremen, Bremen, Germany; Frankfurter Zeitung, February 4, 1914.
15Alfred Chandler, The Visible Hand (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 214; Kenneth J. Lipartito, “The New York Cotton Exchange and the Development of the Cotton Futures Market,” Business History Review 57 (Spring 1983): 54.
16Lipartito, “The New York Cotton Exchange,” 53; Garside, Cotton Goes to Market, 133, 166.
17Garside, Cotton Goes to Market, 54–55, 68, 145.
18Jamie L. Pietruska, “‘Cotton Guessers’: Crop Forecasters and the Rationalizing of Uncertainty in American Cotton Markets, 1890–1905,” in Hartmut Berghoff, Philip Scranton, and Uwe Spiekermann, eds., The Rise of Marketing and Market Research (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 49–72; Michael Hovland, “The Cotton Ginnings Reports Program at the Bureau of the Census,” Agricultural History 68, no. 2 (Spring 1994): 147; N. Jasny, “Proposal for Revision of Agricultural Statistics,” Journal of Farm Economics 24, no. 2 (May 1942): 402; H. Parker Willis, “Cotton and Crop Reporting,” Journal of Political Economy 13, no. 4 (September 1905): 507; International Institute of Agriculture, Bureau of Statistics, The Cotton-Growing Countries; Production and Trade (Rome: International Institute of Agriculture, 1922).
19Sources for the data in the graph for the years 1820–1850 are: 1820—Tables of Revenue, Population, Commerce, &c. of the United Kingdom and Its Dependencies, Part I, from 1820 to 1831, Both Inclusive (London: William Clowes, 1833), 65, 67, 70; Richard Burn, Statistics of the Cotton Trade: Arranged in a Tabular Form: Also a Chronological History of Its Various Inventions, Improvements, etc., etc. (London: Simpkin, Marshall 1847), 1; Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain, 63–64; T. Bazley, “Cotton Manufacture,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, 8th ed., vol. 7 (Edinburgh: Black, 1854), 453; Lars G. Sandberg, Lancashire in Decline: A Study in Entrepreneurship, Technology, and International Trade (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1974), 142, 145, 254–62; Andrew Ure, The Cotton Manufacture of Great Britain; Systematically Investigated…with an Introductory View of Its Comparative State in Foreign Countries, vol. 1 (New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1970), 65–70, 328; Andrew Ure, The Cotton Manufacture of Great Britain; Systematically Investigated…with an Introductory View of Its Comparative State in Foreign Countries, vol. 2 (New York: Johnson Reprint Corp., 1970), 328; I. Watts, “Cotton,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed., vol. 6 (Edinburgh: Black, 1877), 503–4.
20Amalendu Guha, “The Decline of India’s Cotton Handicrafts, 1800–1905: A Quantitative Macro-Study,” Calcutta Historical Journal 17 (1995): 44; Table No. 29, “Value of the Principal Articles of Merchandise and Treasure Imported into British India, by Sea, from Foreign Countries, in each of the Years ended 30th April,” in Statistical Abstracts Relating to British India from 1840 to 1865 (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1867); Douglas A. Farnie, The English Cotton Industry and the World Market (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 101; Lars G. Sandberg, “Movements in the Quality of British Cotton Textile Exports, 1815–1913,” Journal of Economic History 28, no. 1 (March 1968): 1–27.
21Diary of Voyage to Calcutta, Record Group MSS EUR F 349, box 1, Richard Kay Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Diary and notebook, Allahabad, 1820, in Record Group MSS EUR F 349, box 3, Richard Kay Papers, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library; Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register, New Series, 16 (January–April 1835): 125; Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1852–53 (Bombay: Bombay Gazette Press, 1853), 23.
22Elena Frangakis, “The Ottoman Port of Izmir in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries, 1695–1820,” Revue de l’Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée 39, no. 1 (1985): 150; Joel Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers: From Craft Artisans Facing European Competition to Proletarians Contending with the State,” in Lex Heerma van Voss, Els Hiemstra-Kuperus, and Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 1650–2000(Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010), 176; Patricia Davison and Patrick Harries, “Cotton Weaving in South-East Africa: Its History and Technology,” in Dale Idiens and K. G. Ponting, eds., Textiles of Africa (Bath: Pasold Research Fund, 1980), 189; G. P. C. Thomson, “Continuity and Change in Mexican Manufacturing,” in I. J. Baou, ed., Between Development and Underdevelopment (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1991), 275; Robert A. Potash, Mexican Government and Industrial Development in the Early Republic: The Banco de Avio (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1983), 27; H. G. Ward, Mexico (London: H. Colburn, 1829), 60; Robert Cliver as cited by Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Global Trade and Textile Workers,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 570.
23Gisborne to Joshua Bates, Walton, October 15, 1832, House Correspondence, HC 6.3, India and Indian Ocean, 1, ING Baring Archive, London; Ralph W. Hidy, The House of Baring in American Trade and Finance: English Merchant Bankers at Work, 1763–1861 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1949), 104; Baring Brothers Liverpool to Baring Brothers London, August 1, 1836, House Correspondence, HC 3.35, 2, ING Baring Archive. The Brown Brothers engaged in the export of manufactured goods as well. D. M. Williams, “Liverpool Merchants and the Cotton Trade, 1820–1850” in J. R. Harris, ed., Liverpool and Merseyside: Essays in the Economic and Social History of the Port and Its Hinterland (London: Frank Cass & Co, 1969), 197; John A. Kouwenhoven, Partners in Banking: An Historical Portrait of a Great Private Bank, Brown Brothers Harriman & Co., 1818–1968 (Garden City: Doubleday & Co., 1967), 41; see also Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1852–53, 24; Letterbook, 1868–1869, in Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, record group MCK, box 2/2/23, John Rylands Library, Manchester; Letterbook, May 1814 to September 1816, in Papers of McConnel & Kennedy, record group MCK, box 2/2/5, John Rylands Library; Dotter to Fielden Brothers, Calcutta, October 17, 1840, in Correspondence Related to Commercial Activities, May 1812–April 1850, in Record Group FDN, box 1/15, papers of Fielden Brothers, John Rylands Library.
24Stephen Broadberry and Bishnupriya Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence: Lancashire, India and Shifting Competitive Advantage, 1600–1850: The Neglected Role of Factor Prices,” Economic History Review 62, no. 2 (May 2009): 285; Jim Matson, “Deindustrialization or Peripheralization? The Case of Cotton Textiles in India, 1750–1950,” in Sugata Bose, ed., South Asia and World Capitalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 215.
25Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1852–53, 23; J. Forbes Watson, Collection of Specimens and Illustrations of the Textile Manufacturers of India (Second Series) (London: India Museum, 1873), in Library of the Royal Asiatic Society Library of Bombay, Mumbai; Part A, No. 1, November 1906, 1, Industries Branch, Department of Commerce and Industry, National Archives of India, New Delhi. Very similar also R. E. Enthoven, The Cotton Fabrics of the Bombay Presidency (Bombay: n.p., 1897).
26“Report on the Native Cotton Manufacturers of the District of Ning-Po” (China), in Compilations Vol. 75, 1887, Compilation No. 919, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; The Thirty-Fifth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester, for the Year 1855 (Manchester: James Collins, 1856), 10–11; Contract Book, George Robinson & Co. Papers, record group MSf 382.2.R1, in Manchester Archives and Local Studies, Manchester; Broadberry and Gupta, “Cotton Textiles and the Great Divergence,” 285; Matson, “Deindustrialization or Peripherialization?” 215; Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Aufstand in Indien (Berlin: Dietz Verlag, 1978 [1853]), 2; Konrad Specker, “Madras Handlooms in the Nineteenth Century,” in Tirthankar Roy, ed., Cloth and Commerce: Textiles in Colonial India (Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1996), 216; T.G.T., “Letters on the Trade with India,” in Asiatic Journal(September–December 1832): 256, as quoted in Edward Baines, History of the Cotton Manufacture in Great Britain (London: H. Fisher, R. Fisher, and P. Jackson, 1835), 81–82. 有趣的是，Baines 赞许地引用了这些孟加拉商人的话。他没有提供这封信的任何来源，也没有提供这117个商人的任何名字。另见 Arno S. Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India, Being the Report of the Journey to India (Manchester: Taylor, Garnett, Evans, 1930), 20.
27Guha, “The Decline of India’s Cotton Handicrafts,” 56; quoted in Times of India, Overland Summary, July 8, 1864, 4; Times of India, Overland Summary, October 29, 1863, 1; see also J. Talboys Wheeler, Assistant Secretary to the Government of India, “Memorandum on the Effect of the Rise in Cotton upon the Manufactured Article,” December 15, 1864, as reprinted in Times of India, Overland Summary, January 13, 1865, 3.
28A. J. Dunlop to the Secretary of the Chamber of Commerce, Bombay, Camp Oomraoti, November 6, 1874, 4, Proceedings, Part B, November 1874, No. 5, Fibres and Silk Branch, Agriculture and Commerce Department, Revenue, National Archives of India, New Delhi; V. Garrett, Monograph on Cotton Fabrics in the Hyderabad Assigned Districts (New Delhi: Residency Government Press, 1897), 3; Report by E. A. Hobson, in Proceedings, Part B, Nos. 22–23, November 1887, Fibres and Silk Branch, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, National Archives of India; Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69, 35.
29The Thirty-Ninth Annual Report of the Board of Directors of the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures at Manchester, for the Year 1859 (Manchester: Cave and Sever, 1860), 22–23.
30Nitya Naraven Banerjei, Monograph on the Cotton Fabrics of Bengal (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1898), 2, 8; “Final Report on the Famine of 1896/97 in the Bombay Presidency,” in 1898, Compilations Vol. 8, Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.
31Donald Quataert, “The Ottoman Empire, 1650–1922,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 480; on China see the brilliant piece by Jacob Eyferth, “Women’s Work and the Politics of Homespun in Socialist China, 1949–1980,” in International Review of Social History (2012): 9–10; D. C. M. Platt, Latin America and British Trade, 1806–1914 (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1972), 16; Lars Sundström, The Trade of Guinea (Lund: Håkan Ohlssons Boktryckerei, 1965), 160; Part A, No. 1, November 1906, 1, Industries Branch, Department of Commerce and Industry, National Archives of India, New Delhi.
32Specker, “Madras Handlooms in the Nineteenth Century,” 185; Bombay Chamber of Commerce, Report of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce for the Year 1852–53, 27; Report, Part C, No. 1, March 1906, Industries Branch, Commerce and Industry Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Tirthankar Roy, “The Long Globalization and Textile Producers in India,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 266; M. P. Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry: Its Past, Present and Future (Calcutta: G. N. Mitra, 1930), 82.
33Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers,” 181; Quataert, “The Ottoman Empire, 1650–1922,” 479–80; for Africa, see Marion Johnson, “Technology, Competition, and African Crafts,” in Clive Dewey and A. G. Hopkins, eds., The Imperial Impact: Studies in the Economic History of Africa and India (London: Athlone Press, 1978), 267; Part A, No. 1, November 1906, 3, Industries Branch, Department of Commerce and Industry, National Archives of India, New Delhi.
34Robert Cliver, “China,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 111.
35Letter to the Secretary of the Revenue Department, Fort St. George, November 21, 1843, Revenue Branch, Revenue Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi.
36Petition of the Weavers of the Chingleput District Complaining against the Loom Tax in the Madras Presidency, June 8, 1844, Revenue Branch, Revenue Department, National Archives of India, New Delhi.
37Roy, “The Long Globalization and Textile Producers in India,” 259; Guha, “The Decline of India’s Cotton Handicrafts,” 55; Matson, “Deindustrialization or Peripheralization?” 215.
38Papers relating to Cotton Cultivation in India, MSS EUR F 78, 106, Wood Collection, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. A similar story can also be found in Times of India, Overland Summary, August 24, 1863, 1. See also Memorandum by the Department of Agriculture, Revenue and Commerce, Fibres and Silk Branch, to the Home Department, Calcutta, June 24, 1874, in Revenue, Agriculture and Commerce Department, Fibres and Silk Branch, June 1874, No. 41/42, Part B, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Times of India, Overland Summary, April 27, 1864, 5, November 13, 1864, 3, and November 28, 1864, 1; Peter Harnetty, “The Imperialism of Free Trade: Lancashire, India, and the Cotton Supply Question, 1861–1865,” Journal of British Studies 6, no. 1 (November 1966): 92; Times of India, July 5, 1861, 3; Edward Mead Earle, “Egyptian Cotton and the American Civil War,” Political Science Quarterly 41, no. 4 (1926): 521; Timothy Mitchell, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 66.
39Orhan Kurmus, “The Cotton Famine and Its Effects on the Ottoman Empire,” in Huri Islamoglu-Inan, The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 165, 166, 168; Alan Richards, Egypt’s Agricultural Development, 1800–1980: Technical and Social Change (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1982), 55; Mitchell, Rule of Experts, 60–64.
40Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69, 132; John Aiton Todd, The World’s Cotton Crops (London: A. & C. Black, 1915), 429–32. David Hall-Matthews, “Colonial Ideologies of the Market and Famine Policy in Ahmednagar District, Bombay Presidency, c. 1870–1884,” Indian Economic and Social History Review 36, no. 3 (1999): 303–33; Samuel Smith, The Cotton Trade of England, Being a Series of Letters Written from Bombay in the Spring of 1863(London: Effingham, Wilson, 1863), 12–13; Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa,” in Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1995), 32, 34; Meyers, Forge of Progress, 126; Jorge Raul Colva, El “Oro Blanco” en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Editorial Calidad, 1946), 15.
41Data taken from “Index Numbers of Indian Prices 1861–1926,” No. 2121, Calcutta: Government of India Central Publication Branch, 1928, Summary Tables III and VI, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. 关于世界市场整合引起的新不确定性，另见 A. E. Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers, Amraoti District, vol. A (Bombay: Claridge, 1911), 226, in record group V/27/65/6, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Hall-Matthews, “Colonial Ideologies of the Market and Famine,” 307, 313; Memo by the Department of Agriculture, Revenue and Commerce, Fibres and Silk Branch, to the Home Department, Calcutta, June 24, 1874, Proceedings, Part B, June 1874, No. 41/42, Fibres and Silk Branch, Agriculture and Commerce Department, Revenue, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Frenise A. Logan, “India’s Loss of the British Cotton Market after 1865,” Journal of Southern History 31, no. 1 (1965): 46; 世卫组织援引 Sir Trevelyan 在1863年预算报表中的话说，“只有将以前用于粮食种植的大部分土地转用于出口产品的生产，才能满足出口产品的需求”cited in Iltudus Thomas Prichard, The Administration of India, From 1859–1868, vol. 1 (London: Macmillan, 1869), 9; for Egypt see E. R. J. Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 159; for Brazil see Luis Cordelio Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil: Dependency and Development” (PhD dissertation, University of Washington, 1989), 31, 95–102, 105–8, 142; see also International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Official Report of the International Congress, Held in Egypt, 1927 (Manchester: International Federation of Master Cotton Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, 1927), 99.
42Rivett-Carnac, Report of the Cotton Department for the Year 1868–69, 52.
43Barbosa, “Cotton in 19th Century Brazil,” 105. 饥荒和棉花农业扩展之间的关系见 Sandip Hazareesingh, “Cotton, Climate and Colonialism in Dharwar, Western India, 1840–1880,” Journal of Historical Geography 38, no. 1 (2012): 16. 关于19世纪末的饥荒的一般情况，见 Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts: El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World (New York: Verso, 2001), 7; Nelson, Central Provinces District Gazetteers, Amraoti District, vol. A. “The scarcity of 1896–97 was caused by high prices and not by failure of crops,” reported the deputy commissioner of the Akola District (in Berar) to the Indian Famine Commission. See Indian Famine Commission, “Appendix, Evidence of Witnesses, Berar,” Report of the Indian Famine Commission (Calcutta: n.p., 1901), 43, 53. For the mortality figures see Indian Famine Commission, “Appendix, Evidence of Witnesses, Berar,” Report of the Indian Famine Commission, 54, 213. Total mortality between December 1899 and November 1900 was 84.7 per 1,000; see also Sugata Bose, “Pondering Poverty, Fighting Famines: Towards a New History of Economic Ideas,” in Kaushik Basu, ed., Arguments for a Better World: Essays in Honor of Amartya Sen (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 428.
44Mitchell, Rule of Experts, 63–64; on the riots see Neil Charlesworth, “The Myth of the Deccan Riots of 1875,” Modern Asian Studies 6, no. 4 (1972): 401–21; Deccan Riots Commission, Papers Relating to the Indebtedness of the Agricultural Classes in Bombay and Other Parts of India (Bombay: Deccan Riots Commission, 1876); Report of the Committee on the Riots in Poona and Ahmednagar, 1875 (Bombay: Government Central Press, 1876); Roderick J. Barman, “The Brazilian Peasantry Reexamined: The Implications of the Quebra-Quilo Revolt, 1874–1875,” Hispanic American Historical Review 57, no. 3 (1977): 401–24; Armando Souto Maior, Quebra-Quilos: Lutas sociais no outono do império (São Paulo: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1978). 埃及农民也感受到了加税的压力，他们在这个过程中损失了他们在内战期间积累的大部分利润。See Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 144; W. H. Wyllie, Agent of the Governor General in Central India, to the Revenue and Agriculture Department, September 9, 1899, in Proceedings, Part B, Nos. 14–54, November 1899, Famine Branch, Department of Revenue and Agriculture, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Wady E. Medawar, Études sur la question cotonnière et l’organisation agricole en Égypte (Cairo: A. Gherson, 1900), 16, 20–21; William K. Meyers, “Seasons of Rebellion: Nature, Organisation of Cotton Production and the Dynamics of Revolution in La Laguna, Mexico, 1910–1816,” Journal of Latin American Studies 30, no. 1 (February 1998): 63; Meyers, Forge of Progress, 132–34.
45棉花问题对反殖民政治的重要性也可以追溯到 File 4, Correspondence, G. K. Gokhale, 1890–1911, in Servants of India Society Papers, Nehru Memorial Library, New Delhi; Correspondence, Sir Pherozeshah Mehta Papers, Nehru Memorial Library.
第12章 新棉花帝国主义1Department of Finance, 1895, Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Koide, n.d.), 310; Department of Finance, 1902, Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Koide, n.d.), 397; Department of Finance, 1920, Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan, Part I (Tokyo: n.p., n.d.), 397; Tohei Sawamura, Kindai chosen no mensaku mengyo (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1985), 112; Chosen ni okeru menka saibai no genzai to shorai, n.d., mimeograph, Asian Reading Room, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; 关于日本开始在殖民时期的朝鲜增加棉花种植的原因略有不同的说法可参见 Carter J. Eckert, Offspring of Empire: The Koch and Kims and the Colonial Origins of Korean Capitalism, 1876–1945 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991), 134.
2Dai-Nihon boseki rengokai geppo 173 (January 25, 1906): 1–2; Annual Report for 1907 on Reforms and Progress in Korea (Seoul: H.I.J.M.’s Residency General, 1908), 84; Eckert, Offspring of Empire, 134–5.
3Eckert, Offspring of Empire, 134; Annual Report for 1912–13 on Reforms and Progress in Chosen (Keijo: Government General of Chosen, 1914), 153; Department of Finance, 1909, Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Koide, n.d.), 629; Cotton Department, Toyo Menka Kaisha Lts., The Indian Cotton Facts (Bombay: n.p., n.d.), Japanese Cotton Spinners Association Library, University of Osaka.
4Rinji Sangyo Chosa Kyoku [Special Department of Research on Industries], Chosen ni Okeru Menka ni Kansuru Chosa Seiseki [The Research on Cotton in Korea] (August 1918), 1; Eckert, Offspring of Empire, 134; No-Shomu Sho Nomu Kyoku [Ministry of Agriculture and Commerce, Department of Agriculture], Menka ni Kansuru Chosa [The Research on Cotton] (Tokyo: No-shomu sho noji shikenjyo, 1905), 1–3, 76–83, chapter 2; Chosen sotokufu norinkyoku, Chosen no nogyo(Keijyo: Chosen sotokufu norinkyoku, 1934), 66–73.
5Nihon mengyo kurabu, Naigai mengyo nenkan (Osaka: Nihon mengyo kurabu, 1931), 231, 233; Annual Report for 1912–13, 145, 153; Annual Report for 1915–16, 107; Annual Report for 1921–22, 263; Department of Finance of Japan, Monthly Trade Return of Japan Proper and Karafuto (Sagalien) with Chosen (Korea) (Tokyo: n.p., 1915), 24–25.
6For this shift of conceptions of sovereignty see Henry Sumner Maine, Ancient Law: Its Connection with the Early History of Society, and Its Relation to Modern Ideas (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1864); for a very interesting discussion on these issues see also Doreen Lustig, “Tracing the Origins of the Responsibility Gap of Businesses in International Law, 1870–1919” (unpublished paper, Tel Aviv University Law School, May 2012, in author’s possession). Resolution passed by the Manchester Cotton Supply Association, reprinted in Merchants’ Magazine and Commercial Review 44, no. 6 (June 1861): 678; Arthur Redford, Manchester Merchants and Foreign Trade, 1794–1858 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1934), 217, 227; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition; New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, Transactions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, vol. 73 (Waltham, MA: n.p., 1902), 182.
7For the price increase and a very good exploration of these events and their import see Jonathan Robbins, “The Cotton Crisis: Globalization and Empire in the Atlantic World, 1901–1920” (PhD dissertation, University of Rochester, 2010), 41–54; see also Edmund D. Morel, Affairs of West Africa (London: William Heinemann, 1902), 191; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, “Unsere Kolonialwirtschaft in ihrer Bedeutung für Industrie, Handel und Landwirtschaft,” Manuscript, R 8024/37, Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Various Letters, 1914, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; for the notion of a “second cotton famine” see Christian Brannstrom, “Forest for Cotton: Institutions and Organizations in Brazil’s Mid-Twentieth-Century Cotton Boom,” Journal of Historical Geography 36, no. 2 (April 2010): 169.
8Morel, Affairs, 191; Edward B. Barbier, Scarcity and Frontiers: How Economies Have Developed Through Natural Resource Exploitation (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011); John C. Weaver, The Great Land Rush and the Making of the Modern World, 1850–1900 (Montreal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2003).
9Muriel Joffe, “Autocracy, Capitalism and Empire: The Politics of Irrigation,” Russian Review 54, no. 3 (July 1995): 367; Rosen is quoted in Mariya Konstantinovna Rozhkova, Ekonomich eskaia politika tsarskogo pravitel’stva na Srednem Vostoke vo vtoroi chetverti XIX veka i russkaya burzhuaziya (Moscow: Izd. Akademii Nauk SSSR, 1949), 100; 关于早先希望中亚能够为俄国提供棉花，见 Pavel Nebol’sin, Ocherki torgovli Rossii s Srednei Aziei (Saint Petersburg: Tipografia Imperatorskoi Akademii Nauk, 1855), 18, 22, 25, 27; 纺织品制造商 Aleksandr Shipov 早在1857年就强调取得中亚棉花的重要性；见 Aleksandr Shipov, Khlopchatobumazhnaia promyshlennost’ i vazhnost’ eco znacheniia v Rossii, otd I (Moscow: T.T. Volkov & Co., 1857), 49–50; see Charles William Maynes, “America Discovers Central Asia,” Foreign Affairs 82, no. 2 (March/April 2003): 120; Mariya Konstantinovna Rozhkova, Ekonomiceskie svyazi Rossii so Srednei Aziei, 40–60-e gody XIX veka (Moscow: Izd-vo Akademii nauk SSSR, 1963), 54–55, tables 9–10.
10Quote in Rozhkova, Ekonomicheskiie, 64–65, 150–52; a pood (or 35.24 pounds) of Asian cotton was sold for 7.75 rubles in 1861, but by 1863 the price had increased to more than 22 rubles; P. A. Khromov, Ekonomicheskoe razvitie Rossii v XIX-XX vekakh: 1800–1917 (Moscow: Gos. Izd. Politicheskoi Literatury, 1950), 183; 在一些地区，例如在 Erivan gubernia（高加索），内战期间棉花产量增加了近十倍，从1861年的30000 poods 增加到1870年的273000 poods；K. A. Pazhitnov, Ocherki istorii tesktil’ noi promyshlennosti dorrevolyutsionnoi Rossii: Khlopchato-Bumazhnaya l’no-pen’ kovaya i shelkovaya promyshlennost (Moscow: Izd. Akademii Nauk SSR, 1958), 98; Rozhkova, Ekonomiceskie, 55–61; see, 关于俄国中亚地区棉花农业的扩张，见, Joffe, “Autocracy,” 365–88; Julia Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams: Irrigation and Cotton Growing in Southern Central Asia, 1860s to 1991(unpublished manuscript, 2009), chapter 1, 23; Moskva, February 1, 1867; 1866年1月8日，沙皇亚历山大二世收到了财政部长写的一份支持对中亚施加更大影响的备忘录，其中列出了一批俄国资本家的名字，包括一些著名的棉花业主，例如 Ivan Khludov & Sons, Savva Morozov & Sons, Vl. Tertyakov, and D. I. Romanovskii; see N. A. Khalfin, Prisoedinenie Srednei Azii k Rossii: 60–90 gody XIX v (Moscow: Nauka, 1965), 211; 关于对俄国帝国主义的一般讨论，见 Andreas Kappeler, The Russian Empire: A Multiethnic Empire (Harlow: Longman, 2001), 175, 193; Dietrich Geyer, Der russische Imperialismus: Studien über den Zusammenhang von innerer und auswärtiger Politik, 1860–1914 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1977); Thomas C. Owen, “The Russian Industrial Society and Tsarist Economic Policy,” Journal of Economic History 45, no. 3 (September 1985): 598; Brigitte Loehr, Die Zukunft Russlands (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1985), 73; Joffe, “Autocracy,” 372; Bruno Biedermann, “Die Versorgung der russischen Baumwollindustrie mit Baumwolle eigener Produktion” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1907), 106.
11Shtaba L. Kostenko, Sredni aia Aziia i Vodvorenie v nei Russkoi Grazgdanstvennosti (Saint Petersburg: Bezobrazova i kom, 1871), 221; Thomas Martin, Baumwollindustrie in Sankt Petersburg und Moskau und die russische Zolltarifpolitik, 1850–1891: Eine vergleichende Regionalstudie (Giessen: Fachverlag Koehler, 1998), 213, 215; Scott C. Levi, The Indian Diaspora in Central Asia and Its Trade, 1550–1900 (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 249; Jeff Sahadeo, “Cultures of Cotton and Colonialism: Politics, Society, and the Environment in Central Asia, 1865–1923” (presentation, American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies Annual Convention, Toronto, November 2003), 5; George N. Curzon, Russia in Central Asia in 1889 and the Anglo-Russian Question (London: Cass, 1967), 405–7; Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 40–44; on irrigation see also Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams; John Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton in Imperial Russia,” American Slavic and East European Review 15, no. 2 (April 1956): 194–95, 199; Moritz Schanz, “Die Baumwolle in Russisch-Asien,” Beihefte zum Tropenpflanzer 15 (1914): 8.
12Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams, Chapter 1, 74ff.; 这些冲突最好在灌溉问题上加以讨论；见 Joffe, “Autocracy,” 369, 387; Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton,” 194, 198, 201; 1887年至1899年期间，俄国中亚、布哈拉和希亚省专门从事棉花农业的领土增加了五倍；Anlage zum Bericht des Kaiserlichen Generalkonsulats in St. Petersburg, December 26, 1913, R 150F, FA 1, 360, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; the “cotton colony” quote can be found in I. Liashchenko, Istoriia Narodnogo Khoziaistva SSSR, vol. 2 (Moscow: Gos. Izd. Polit. Literatury, 1956), 542; “Handelsbericht des Kaiserlichen Konsulats für das Jahr 1909,” in Deutsches Handels-Archiv, Zweiter Teil: Berichte über das Ausland, 1911 (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn, 1911), 168; Schanz, “Die Baumwolle,” 11; Annette M. B. Meakin, In Russian Turkestan: A Garden of Asia and Its People (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1915), v; Ella R. Christie, Through Kiva to Golden Samarkand (London: Seeley, Service & Co., 1925), 204; Karl Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” in Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition nach Togo (no date, but probably 1900), 4–6, file 332, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Michael Owen Gately, “The Development of the Russian Cotton Textile Industry in the Pre-revolutionary Years, 1861–1913” (PhD dissertation, University of Kansas, 1968), 169.
13August Etienne, Die Baumwollzucht im Wirtschaftsprogramm der deutschen Übersee-Politik (Berlin: H. Paetal, 1902), 35, 36, 37, 41; Harper’s Weekly 报道称，“乌兹别克斯坦可以感谢美国内战”，因为它对棉花的强烈依赖；见 Harper’s Weekly, April 2002, 42.
14Etienne, Die Baumwollzucht, 28.
15Ibid., 13.
16Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 12; “Cotton in British East Africa,” Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review, Third Series, 24 (July–October 1907): 84; Robert Ed. Buehler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen Englands, Frankreichs und Deutschlands in ihrer Baumwollversorgung” (PhD dissertation, University of Zürich, 1929), 57.
17Oldham Master Cotton Spinners’ Association, Report of the Committee, for Year Ending December 31, 1901 (Oldham: Dornan, 1902), 4, in Record group 6/2/1–61m, Papers of the Oldham Master Cotton Spinners’ Association, John Rylands Library, Manchester; Buehler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen,” 68; British Cotton Growing Association, Second Annual Report, for the Year Ending August 31st, 1906 (Manchester: Head Office, 1906), 8, 10; Correspondence, File 1, Files Relating to the Cotton Industry, British Cotton Growing Association, 2/5, OLD, Papers of the Oldham Textile Employers’ Association, 1870–1960, John Rylands Library, Manchester; Morel, Affairs; for an excellent review of the activities of the British Cotton Growing Association, see Jonathan Robins, “‘The Black Man’s Crop’: Cotton, Imperialism and Public-Private Development in Britain’s African Colonies, 1900–1918,” Commodities of Empire Working Paper 11, The Open University and London Metropolitan University, September 2009; Oldham Master Cotton Spinners’ Association, Report of the Committee, for the Year Ending December 31, 1901 (Oldham: Thomas Dornan, 1902), 4, John Rylands Library, Manchester; File Empire Cotton Growing Association, 2/6, OLD, Papers of the Oldham Textile Employers’ Association, 1870–1960, John Rylands Library, Manchester; N. M. Penzer, Federation of British Industries, Intelligence Department, Cotton in British West Africa (London: Federation of British Industries, 1920); John Harris, Parliamentary Secretary of the Society, to E. Sedgwick, Boston, November 10, 1924, Papers of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society, MSS. British Empire S22, G143, Bodleian Library of Commonwealth & African Studies, University of Oxford; John Harris to Maxwell Garnett, January 20, 1925, MSS. British Empire 522, G446, Papers of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society, Rhodes House Library, Oxford; D. Edwards-Radclyffe, “Ramie, The Textile of the Future,” Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review, Third Series, 20 (July–October 1905): 47.
18Frédéric Engel-Dollfus, Production du coton (Paris: Paul Dupont, 1867); Faidherbe 将军在1889年曾说：“种植棉花是殖民地成功最有力的因素。”, 见 General Faidherbe, Le Sénégal: La France dans l’Afrique occidentale (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1889), 102; Association Cotonnière Coloniale, Annexe au Bulletin No 3: Les coton indigènes du Dahomey et du Soudan à la filature et au tisage (Paris: Jean Ganiche, 1904); Charles Brunel, Le coton en Algérie (Alger: Imprimierie Agricole, 1910); 关于法国对殖民地棉花的兴趣，另见 Ed. C. Achard, “Le coton en Cilivie et en Syrie,” in L’Asie Française (June 1922), Supplement; Documents Économiques, Politiques & Scientifiques, 19–64; Bulletin de l’Union des Agriculteurs d’Égypte 159 (March 1925): 73–85; Catalogue of the Library of the Société Industrielle de Mulhouse, Mulhouse, France; Zeitfragen: Wochenschrift für deutsches Leben, May 1, 1911, 1.
19Sven Beckert, The Monied Metropolis: New York City and the Consolidation of the American Bourgeoisie, 1850–1896 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 87–89; J. De Cordova, The Cultivation of Cotton in Texas (London: J. King & Co., 1858), 3, 9, 24; National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters, Proceedings of a Convention Held in the City of New York, Wednesday, April 29, 1868, for the Purpose of Organizing the National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters (Boston: Prentiss & Deland, 1868); New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, Transactions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, vol. 73 (Waltham, MA: n.p., 1902), 187; New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, Transactions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, vol. 75 (1903), 191; New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, Transactions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, vol. 79 (1905), 159.
20See also Henry L. Abbott, “The Lowlands of the Mississippi,” The Galaxy 5 (April 1868): 452; National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters, Articles of Association and By-Laws Adopted by the National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters, April 29, 1868 (Boston: Prentiss & Deland, 1968); National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters, Proceedings of the First Annual Meeting of the National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Planters, Held in the City of New York, Wednesday, June 30, 1869 (Boston: W. L. Deland & Co., 1869), 17; F. W. Loring and C. F. Atkinson, Cotton Culture and the South Considered with Reference to Emigration (Boston: A. Williams & Co., 1869), 3; New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, Transactions of the New England Cotton Manufacturers’ Association, vol. 76 (1904), 104. On Africa see Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa,” in Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1995), 1; Records of the Togo Baumwollgesellschaft mbh, Record Group 7, 2016, Staatsarchiv Bremen, Bremen, Germany; Laxman D. Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar (New Delhi: Manohar, 1997), 55; Thaddeus Raymond Sunseri, Vilimani: Labor Migration and Rural Change in Early Colonial Tanzania (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 2002); Sven Beckert, “From Tuskegee to Togo: The Problem of Freedom in the Empire of Cotton,” Journal of American History 92, no. 2 (September 2005): 498–526; Edward Mead Earle, “Egyptian Cotton and the American Civil War,” Political Science Quarterly 41, no. 4 (1926): 520; Westminster Review 84, American Edition (1865): 228; Zeitfragen: Wochenschrift für deutsches Leben, May 1, 1911, 1; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen 1902/1903 (Berlin: Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, 1903), 5.
21Moulvi Syed Mahdi Ali, ed., Hyderabad Affairs, vol. 3 (Bombay: n.p., 1883), 112, 404, 451; Manchester Guardian, June 30, 1882, 4; Earle, “Egyptian Cotton,” 544; Edward Roger John Owen, Cotton and the Egyptian Economy, 1820–1914: A Study in Trade and Development (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 89, 130, 141, 213ff., 247.
22Meltem Toksöz, “The Çukurova: From Nomadic Life to Commercial Agriculture, 1800–1908” (PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Binghamton, 2000), 204, 206, 228; Anthony Hall, Drought and Irrigation in North-East Brazil(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 4; Roger L. Cunniff, “The Great Drought: Northeast Brazil, 1877–1880” (PhD dissertation, University of Texas at Austin, 1970), 79, 83, 87, 88, 89, 91–95; International Institute of Agriculture, Statistical Bureau, The Cotton-Growing Countries: Production and Trade (Rome: International Institute of Agriculture, 1922), 125.
23Michael J. Gonzales, “The Rise of Cotton Tenant Farming in Peru, 1890–1920: The Condor Valley,” Agricultural History 65, no. 1 (Winter 1991): 53, 55; Oficina Nacional de Agricultura, El algodón, instrucciones agricolas (Buenos Aires: Penitenciaria Nacional, 1897), 1; Alejandro E. Bunge, Las industrias del Norte: Contribución al estudio de una nueva política económia Argentina (Buenos Aires: n.p., 1922), 212ff.; Heinz E. Platte, “Baumwollanbau in Argentinien,” Argentinisches Tagblatt 20, no. 1 (January 1924): 19.
24Toksöz, “Çukurova,” 99; Weaver, Great Land Rush, 4.
25See in general, Jürgen Osterhammel, Kolonialismus: Geschichte, Formen, Folgen, 6th ed. (Munich: Beck, 2009), 10–11; on the specifics see Secretary of the Interior, Agriculture of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864), 185, accessed May 25, 2009, http://www.agcensus.usda.gov/Publications/Historical_Publications/1860/1860b-08.pdf; United States Department of Agriculture, National Agricultural Statistics Service, accessed April 28, 2009, http://quickstats.nass.usda.gov; 由于没有关于1860年种植棉花的确切领土范围的数字，我假定生产力不变，以估计种植额外棉花所需的额外土地。南卡罗来纳州面积为20484000英亩。
26Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy Since the Civil War (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996), 34ff., 57; Secretary of the Interior, Agriculture of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864), 185, accessed May 25, 2009, http://www.agcensus.usda.gov/Publications/Historical_Publications/1860/1860b-08.pdf; United States Department of Agriculture, National Agricultural Statistics Service, accessed April 28, 2009, http://quickstats.nass.usda.gov; Charles S. Aiken, The Cotton Plantation South Since the Civil War (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 59; James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth: The Mississippi Delta and the Roots of Regional Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), viii, 95, 99, 100; Gavin Wright, “Agriculture in the South,” in Glenn Porter, ed., Encyclopedia of American Economic History: Studies of the Principal Movements and Ideas, vol. 1 (New York: Charles Schribner’s Sons, 1980), 382; Devra Weber, Dark Sweat, White Gold: California Farm Workers, Cotton, and the New Deal (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 17–21.
27U.S. Department of Commerce, U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstracts of the United States, 1921 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1922), 375; Randolph B. Campbell, Gone to Texas: A History of the Lone Star State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 306, 308, 311.
28Ray Allen Billington, Westward Expansion: A History of the American Frontier (New York: Macmillan, 1967), 659, 666.
29Howard Wayne Morgan, Oklahoma: A Bicentennial History (New York: Norton, 1977), 42, 81, 91, 48, 49, 58, 147; United States Department of Agriculture, National Agricultural Statistics Service, accessed April 28, 2009, http://quickstats.nass.usda.gov; U.S. Department of Commerce, U.S. Census Bureau, “Agriculture, 1909 and 1910, Reports by States, with Statistics for Counties, Nebraska-Wyoming,” Thirteenth Census of the United States Taken in the Year 1910, vol. 7 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1913), 381; Eric V. Meeks, “The Tohono O’Odham, Wage Labor, and Resistant Adaptation,” Western Historical Quarterly 34, no. 4 (Winter 2003): 480; Daniel H. Usner, Indian Work: Language and Livelihood in Native American History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), 55.
30关于这个问题的讨论，见 Sven Beckert, “Space Matters: Eurafrica, the American Empire, and the Territorialization of European Capitalism, 1870–1940” (article in progress).
31Günter Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der deutschen Baumwollindustrie im 19. Jahr-hundert: Eine historische Modellstudie zur empirischen Wachstumsforschung” (PhD dissertation, University of Münster, 1973), 29–30, 73; Wilhelm Rieger, Verzeichnis der im Deutschen Reiche auf Baumwolle laufenden Spindeln und Webstühle (Stuttgart: Wilhelm Rieger, 1909), 72; for different and slightly lower numbers, see Wolfram Fischer, Statistik der Bergbauproduktion Deutschland 1850–1914(St. Kathatinen: Scripta Mercaturae Verlag, 1989), 403; Handbuch der Wirtschaftskunde Deutschlands, vol. 3 (Leipzig: Teubner, 1904), 602; 确实令人着迷的是，在许多方面，更重要的棉花产业在我们对19世纪末德国的历史记忆中所起的作用要小得多。另见 Karl Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” in Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition nach Togo (no date, but probably 1900), 4–6, file 332, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich, vol. 23 (Berlin: Puttkammer & Mühlbrecht, 1902), 24; 1903年，殖民地经济委员会报告，德国有100万工人依赖棉花产业；看见 Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale, 5; 棉花产业的产值1913年达到22亿马克，成为德国最重要的产业之一。见 Andor Kertész, Die Textilindustrie Deutschlands im Welthandel (Braunschweig: F. Vieweg, 1915), 13. See also Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich, vol. 22 (Berlin: n.p., 1901), 135; Thaddeus Sunseri, “The Baumwollfrage: Cotton Colonialism in German East Africa,” Central European History 34, no. 1 (March 2001): 35; for import statistics see Reichs-Enquete für die Baumwollen-und Leinen-Industrie, Statistische Ermittelungen I, Heft 1, 56–58; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich, vol. 1 (Berlin: n.p., 1880), 87; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich, vol. 20 (Berlin: n.p., 1899), 91.
32See, for example, Ernst Henrici, “Die wirtschaftliche Nutzbarmachung des Togogebietes,” Der Tropenpflanzer: Zeitschrift für tropische Landwirtschaft 3 (July 1899): 320; Sven Beckert, “Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the Worldwide Web of Cotton Production in the Age of the American Civil War,” American Historical Review 109, no. 5 (December 2004): 1427; C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 161–65; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich, vol. 15 (Berlin: n.p., 1894), 45; Kaiserliches Statistisches Amt, Statistisches Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich, vol. 20 (Berlin: n.p., 1899), 91.
33R. Hennings, “Der Baumwollkulturkampf,” in Zeitschrift für Kolonialpolitik, Kolonialrecht und Kolonialwirtschaft, vol. 7 (1905), 906–14; Sunseri, “Baumwollfrage,” 32; “Die Arbeit des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees, 1896–1914,” file 579, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Sunseri, “Baumwollfrage,” 49; on German demand for colonial cotton see also Verband Deutscher Baumwollgarn-Verbraucher an v. Lindequist, Reichskolonialamt, Dresden, October 22, 1910, file 8224, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin.
34Buehler, “Die Unabhälgigkeitsbestrebungen,” 23, 39; Biedermann, “Die Versorg-ung,” 9; Bericht der Handelskammer in Bremen für das Jahr 1904 an den Kaufmannskonvent (Bremen: H. M. Hausschild, 1905), 30.
35Department of Finance, 1920, Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan, Part I (Tokyo: n.p., n.d.), 397; Buehler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen,” 31; Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” 8.
36Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” 4–6, 8; E. Henrici, “Der Baumwollbau in den deutschen Kolonien,” Der Tropenpflanzer: Zeitschrift für tropische Landwirtschaft 3 (November 1899): 535–36. On Henrici see Herrmann A. L. Degener, Unsere Zeitgenossen, Wer Ist’s?: Biographien nebst Bibliographien (Leipzig: n.p., 1911); calls for economic autarky are also reflected in “Einleitung,” Beihefte Zum Tropenpflanzer 16, no. 1/2 (February 1916): 1–3, 71–73, 175–77; Karl Helfferich, “Die Baumwollfrage: Ein Weltwirtschaftliches Problem,” Marine-Rundschau 15 (1904): 652; Karl Supf, “Bericht IV, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, 1903–1904” (1904), reprinted in Der Tropenpflanzer: Zeitschrift für tropische Landwirtschaft 8 (December 1904): 615; “Die Arbeit des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees, 1896–1914.”
37Sunseri, “Baumwollfrage,” 33; O. F. Metzger, Unsere Alte Kolonie Togo (Neudamm: Neumann, 1941), 242; “Bericht über den Baumwollbau in Togo,” enclosure in Kaiserliches Gouvernement Togo, Gouverneur Zech to Reichskolonialamt Berlin, November 23, 1909, 1, 8223, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; “Der Baumwollbau in Togo, Seine Bisherige Entwicklung, und sein jetziger Stand,” undated draft of an article, 8224, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin, [illegible] to von Bismark, March 26, 1890, file 8220, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Tony Smith, Pattern of Imperialism: The United States, Great Britain, and the Late-Industrializing World Since 1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 15, 35; Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 1875–1914 (New York: Pantheon, 1987), 34–55; Isaacman and Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism,” in Isaacman and Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism, 8–9; Leroy Vail and Landeg White, “‘Tawani, Machambero!’: Forced Cotton and Rice Growing on the Zambezi,” Journal of African History19, no. 2 (1978): 244.
38Kendahl Radcliffe, “The Tuskegee-Togo Cotton Scheme, 1900–1909” (PhD dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1998), 16; on Ferdinand Goldberg see “Baumwollen- und sonstige Kulturen im Togo-Gebiet,” Deutsches Kolonialblatt2 (1891): 320–21; more generally on German interests in colonial cotton see Donna J. E. Maier, “Persistence of Precolonial Patterns of Production: Cotton in German Togoland, 1800–1914,” in Isaacman and Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism, 81; Peter Sebald, Togo 1884–1914: Eine Geschichte der deutschen “Musterkolonie” auf der Grund-lage amtlicher Quellen (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1988), 433; for a more complete rendering of this story see Sven Beckert, “From Tuskegee to Togo: The Problem of Freedom in the Empire of Cotton, Journal of American History 92 (September 2005),” 498–526; for a list of these plantations see Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee to Handelskammer Bremen, Berlin, July 23, 1913, in “Baumwollterminhandel,” record group W II, 3, Handelskammer Bremen, Bremen, Germany; Sunseri, Vilimani, 1–25; Gerhard Bleifuss and Gerhard Hergenröder, Die “Otto-Plantage Kilossa” (1907–1914): Aufbau und Ende eines kolonialen Unternehmens in Deutsch-Ostafrika (Wendlingen: Schriftenreihe zur Stadtgeschichte, 1993), 43, 59.
39“Encouragement pour la Culture aux colonies, du cotton etc. (1906–1908),” 9 AFFECO, Affairs Économique, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence; for the quote, see Reseignements sur la Culture du Coton, 1917, in 9 AFFECO, Affairs Économique, Archives d’outre-mer; Marie Philiponeau, Le coton et l’Islam: Fil d’une histoire africaine (Algiers: Casbah Editions, 2009), 114; Thomas J. Bassett, The Peasant Cotton Revolution in West Africa: Côte d’Ivoire, 1880–1995 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 51, 52; Richard Roberts, “The Coercion of Free Markets: Cotton, Peasants, and the Colonial State in the French Soudan, 1924–1932,” in Isaacman and Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism, 222; Vail and White, “Tawani, Machambero,” 241; League of Nations, Economic Intelligence Service, Statistical Year-book of the League of Nations 1930/31 (Geneva: Series of League of Nations Publications, 1931), 108, accessed August 3, 2009, http://digital.library.northwestern.edu/league/le0267ag.pdf; A. Brixhe, Le coton au Congo Belge (Bruxelles: Direction de l’agriculture, des forêts et de l’élevage du Ministère des colonies, 1953), 13, 15, 19; Secretary of the Interior, Agriculture of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864), 185, accessed May 25, 2009, http://www.agcensus.usda.gov/Publications/Historical_Publications/1860/1860b-08.pdf.
40Hutton, as quoted in Robins, “The Black Man’s Crop,” 15; Cyril Ehrlich, “The Marketing of Cotton in Uganda, 1900–1950: A Case Study of Colonial Government Economic Policy” (PhD dissertation, University of London, 1958), 12, 13; Buehler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen,” 122; British Cotton Growing Association, Second Annual Report, for the Year Ending August 31st, 1906 (Manchester: Head Office, 1906), 23; on the British Cotton Growing Association see Robins, “The Black Man’s Crop”; British Cotton Growing Association, Second Annual Report, for the Year Ending August 31st, 1906, 32; League of Nations, Economic Intelligence Service, Statistical Year-book of the League of Nations 1930/31 (Geneva: Series of League of Nations Publications, 1931), 108; Secretary of the Interior, Agriculture of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1864), 185, accessed May 25, 2009, http://www.agcensus.usda.gov/Publications/Historical_Publications/1860/1860b-08.pdf.
41Josef Partsch, ed., Geographie des Welthandels (Breslau: Hirt, 1927), 209; B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: The Americas, 1750–1993 (Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan, 2007), 222, 224, 227, 228; John A. Todd, The World’s Cotton Crops (London: A. & C. Black, 1915), 395ff. 421; Heinrich Kuhn, Die Baumwolle: Ihre Cultur, Structur und Verbreitung (Wien: Hartleben, 1892), 69; John C. Branner, Cotton in the Empire of Brazil; The Antiquity, Methods and Extent of Its Cultivation; Together with Statistics of Exportation and Home Consumption (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1885), 23–27; National Association of Cotton Manufacturers, The Year Book of the National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Cotton Manufacturers Manual (1922), 83, accessed August 3, 2009, http://ia311228.us.archive.org/1/items/yearbookofnation1922nati/yearbookofnation1922nati.pdf; International Institute of Agriculture, Statistical Bureau, The Cotton-Growing Countries: Production and Trade (Rome: International Institute of Agriculture, 1922), 127; League of Nations, Economic Intelligence Service, Statistical Year-book of the League of Nations 1939/40 (Geneva: Series of League of Nations Publications, 1940), 122; United Nations, Department for Economic and Social Affairs, Statistics Division, Statistical Yearbook, vol. 4 (New York: Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Statistical Office, United Nations, 1952), 72; United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, Table 04 Cotton Area, Yield, and Production, accessed August 3, 2009, http://www.fas.usda.gov/psdonline/psdReport.aspx?hidReportRetrievalName=Table+04+Cotton+Area%2c+Yield%2c+and+Production&hidReportRetrievalID=851&hidReportRetrievalTemplateID=1; Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 3.
42Revue des cultures coloniales 12–13 (1903): 302.
43关于中亚，见 Richard A. Pierce, Russian Central Asia, 1867–1917: A Study in Colonial Rule (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960), 135–36; Toksöz, “Çukurova,” 1, 13, 37, 79; Osterhammel, Kolonialismus, 17ff.
44Nebol’sin, Ocherki torgovli Rossii, 25; Kostenko, Sredniaia Aziia, 213.
45Nebol’sin, Ocherki torgovli Rossii, 25; Rozhkova, Ekonomicheskiie, 68; Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton,” 199, 200; Schanz, “Die Baumwolle,” 88, 368; Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 72; Sahadeo, “Cultures,” 3.
46Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 45, 46, 59.
47Handelsbericht des Kaiserlichen Konsulats für das Jahr 1909, in Deutsches Handels-Archiv, Zweiter Teil: Berichte über das Ausland, Jahrgang 1911 (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn, 1911), 168; Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton,” 200; Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 70; Schanz, “Die Baumwolle,” 10, 50.
48Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton,” 200, 203; Schanz, “Die Baumwolle,” 131.
49“British and Russian Commercial Competition in Central Asia,” Asiatic Quarterly Review (London) 7 (January–April 1889): 439; Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton,” 202; E. Z. Volkov, Dinamika narodonaselenija SSSR za vosem’desjat let (Moscow: Gos. izd., 1930), 40, 198–99, 208.
50Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition, 4; the following pages are based on and make extensive use of materials in Beckert, “From Tuskegee to Togo.” See also James N. Calloway to Booker T. Washington, November 20, 1900, Booker T. Washington Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee to Washington, October 10, 1900, and December 11, 1900, Booker T. Washington Papers. On the plans for the “Baumwoll-Expedition,” see also Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Antrag des Kolonialwirtschaftlichen Komitees auf Bewilligung eines Betrages von M 10,000.- zur Ausführung einer Baumwollexpedition nach Togo, Berlin, May 14, 1900, Oktober 1898–Oktober 1900, Band 2, Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, File 594/K81, record group R 8023, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; on the episode see also Booker T. Washington, Workings with the Hands (New York: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1904), 226–30; Louis R. Harlan, “Booker T. Washington and the White Man’s Burden,” American Historical Review 71, no. 2 (January 1966): 441–67, 266–95; Edward Berman, “Tuskegee-in-Africa,” Journal of Negro Education 41, no. 2 (Spring 1972): 99–112; W. Manning Marable, “Booker T. Washington and African Nationalism,” Phylon 35, no. 4 (December 1974), 398–406; Michael O. West, “The Tuskegee Model of Development in Africa: Another Dimension of the African/African-American Connection,” Diplomatic History 16, no. 3 (Summer 1992): 371–87; Milfred C. Fierce, The Pan-African Idea in the United States, 1900–1919: African-American Interest in Africa and Interaction with West Africa (New York: Garland, 1993), 171–97; Maier, “Persistence,” 71–95; Radcliffe, “Tuskegee-Togo”; Andrew Zimmermann, Alabama in Africa: Booker T. Washington, the German Empire, and the Globalization of the New South (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012).
51For an account of this change see Beckert, “Emancipation,” 1405–38.
52Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” 8; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition, 3; see for a similar assessment Hutton, as quoted in Robins, “The Black Man’s Crop,” 4; see, for other examples of African Americans traveling to colonial cotton projects, Jonathan Robbins, “The Cotton Crisis: Globalization and Empire in the Atlantic World, 1901–1920” (PhD dissertation, University of Rochester, 2010), 220; Booker T. Washington to Beno von Herman auf Wain, September 20, 1900, Booker T. Washington Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC.
53For the Calloway quote see James N. Calloway to Washington, April 30, 1901, Booker T. Washington Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC. See also James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, 12 March 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; M. B. K. Darkoh, “Togoland under the Germans: Thirty Years of Economic Development (1884–1914),” Nigerian Geographic Journal 10, no. 2 (1968): 112; James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, February 3, 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft; James N. Calloway to Washington, February 3, 1901, Booker T. Washington Papers; James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, May 14, 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft; this general point, in different contexts, is also made by Melissa Leach and James Fairhead, Misreading the African Landscape: Society and Ecology in a Forest-Savanna Mosaic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Kojo Sebastian Amanor, The New Frontier: Farmer Responses to Land Degradation: A West African Study (Geneva: UNRISD, 1994).
54John Robinson to Booker T. Washington, May 26, 1901, Booker T. Washington Papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, June 13, 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; James N. Calloway to Mr. Schmidt, November 11, 1901, file 1008, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; James N. Calloway to Mr. Schmidt, November 11, 1901, file 1008, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo; James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, September 2, 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft; John Robinson to Booker T. Washington, May 26, 1901, Booker T. Washington Papers; James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, March 12, 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft; 有一个来源说，最后足足动用了105人才把篷车弄到了农场去; see Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition, 24.
55Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition, 4–5, 26, for the Calloway quote see 28–36; F. Wohltmann, “Neujahrsgedanken 1905,” Der Tropenpflanzer: Zeitschrift für tropische Landwirtschaft 9 (January 1905): 5; Karl Supf, Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, to Kolonial-Abteilung des Auswärtigen Amtes, Berlin, August 15, 1902, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin.
56Der Tropenpflanzer: Zeitschrift für tropische Landwirtschaft 7 (January 1903): 9.
57Isaacman and Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism,” 25; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, Bericht XI (Frühjahr 1909), 28, file 8224, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundes-archiv, Berlin; Sunseri, “Baumwollfrage,” 46, 48; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, “Verhandlungen der Baumwoll-Kommission des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees vom 25. April 1912,” 169; 农民抗拒殖民地棉花计划的情形，见 Allen Isaacman et al., “‘Cotton Is the Mother of Poverty’: Peasant Resistance to Forced Cotton Production in Mozambique, 1938–1961,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 13, no. 4 (1980): 581–615.
58Thomas Ellison, The Cotton Trade of Great Britain (New York: A. M. Kelley, 1968), 95; “Cotton in British East Africa,” Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review, Third Series, 24 (July–October 1907): 85; Ehrlich, “Marketing,” 1; British Cotton Growing Association, Second Annual Report, for the Year Ending August 31st, 1906 (Manchester: Head Office, 1906), 23.
59Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, “Verhandlungen,” 169; Doran H. Ross, ed., Wrapped in Pride: Ghanaian Kente and African American Identity (Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1998), 126–49; Agbenyega Adedze, “Cotton in Eweland: Historical Perspectives,” in Ross, ed., Wrapped in Pride, 132; the numbers are from Maier, “Persistence,” 75; see also Sebald, Togo 1884–1914, 30; Metzger, Unsere, 242; “Der Baumwollbau in Togo, Seine Bisherige Entwicklung, und sein jetziger Stand,” undated draft of an article, file 8224, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Freiherr von Danckelman, Mittheilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten 3 (1890): 140–41; “Bericht über den Baumwollbau in Togo,” Enclosure in Kaiserliches Gouvernment Togo, Gouverneur Zech, to Reichskolonialamt, Berlin, November 23, 1909, 1, file 8223, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft; Isaacman and Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism,” 12.
60John Robinson quoted in Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, 1902, 1903 (Berlin, 1903), 18; Zeitfragen: Wochenschrift für deutsches Leben, May 1, 1911, 1.
61特别是德国的棉花商在塔斯克基专家的帮助下，积极创造这些轧花和压平业务，早在1902年，德意志多哥协会就在柏林成立了，以民间组织身份在多哥建立轧花和棉花收购机构。见“Prospekt der Deutschen Togogesellschaft,” Berlin, April 1902, private archive, Freiherr von Herman auf Wain, Schloss Wain, Wain, Germany; Karl Supf, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, Bericht IX (Berlin: Mittler, 1907), 304. See also G. H. Pape to Bezirksamt Atakpame, April 5, 1909, file 1009, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3 Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin. 1908—1909年，他们规定在海岸交货的轧棉最低价格为每磅30便士。见 Verhandlungen des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees und der Baumwoll-Komission, November 11, 1908, file 8223, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, 1902, 1903 (Berlin, 1903), 17; Radcliffe, “Tuskegee-Togo,” 103.
62James N. Calloway to Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, June 13, 1901, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundes-archiv, Berlin. 1903年，John Robinson 报道说，把棉花从 Tove 运到 Lomé需要10至20天的时间; Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale, 21; Karl Supf, Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, to Auswärtiges Amt, Kolonial-Abteilung, May 10, 1902, file 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft.
63德国的棉花利益集团向外交部殖民事物部门陈情，认为应当强迫劳动者将棉花从 Tove 运到海岸，而不付工资。见 Karl Supf, Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, to Auswärtiges Amt, Kolonial-Abteilung, Nov. 15, 1901, 8221, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin. See also note “Station Mangu No. 170/11, May 8, 1911, file 4047, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” 12.
64Radcliffe, “Tuskegee-Togo,” 107; Verhandlungen des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees und der Baumwoll-Komission, November 11, 1908, file 8223, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Metzger, Unsere Alte Kolonie, 245, 252. 关于第一次世界大战后多哥棉花出口的进一步统计数字，见“Togo: La production du Coton,” in Agence Extérieure et Coloniale, 棉花生产在整个20世纪继续扩大，2002—2003年，多哥生产了8,000万公斤棉花，大约是1938年的19倍，1913年的160倍。See Reinhart, “Cotton Market Report 44” (January 23, 2004), accessed January 30, 2004, http://www.reinhart.ch/pdf_files/marketreportch.pdf.
65Maier, “Persistence,” 77. 此外，多哥大部分地区也人烟稀少，缺乏棉花生产的剩余劳动力。见 G. H. Pape, “Eine Berichtigung zu dem von Prof. Dr. A. Oppel verfassten Aufsatz ‘Der Baumwollanbau in den deutschen Kolonien und seine Aussichten,’” file 3092, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin. On intercropping see also Bassett, Peasant Cotton, 57; “Bericht über den Baumwollbau in Togo,” Enclosure in Kaiserliches Gouvernement Togo, Gouverneur Zech to Reichskolonialamt Berlin, November 23, 1909, 2, file 8223, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Beckert, “Emancipation”; Etienne, Die Baumwollzucht, 39.
66The Dutch merchant is quoted in Adedze, “Cotton in Eweland,” 132; “Der Baumwollbau in Togo, Seine Bisherige Entwicklung, und sein jetziger Stand,” undated draft of an article, 8224, record group R 1001, Papers of the Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, Bundesarchiv, Berlin.
67Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Baumwoll-Expedition, 44; signed Agreement between Graf Zech and Freese (for the Vietor company), March 1, 1904, file 332, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Vail and White, “Tawani, Machambero,” 241; Roberts, “Coercion,” 223, 231, 236; Bassett, Peasant Cotton, 66; Isaacman and Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism,” 16.
68This was also a point made by Morel, Affairs, 192; see also A. McPhee, The Economic Revolution in West Africa (London: Cass, 1926), 49; Marion Johnson, “Cotton Imperialism in West Africa,” African Affairs 73, no. 291 (April 1974): 182, 183.
69Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, Bericht XI (Frühjahr 1909), file 3092, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; James Stephen as quoted in David Brion Davis, Slavery and Human Progress (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), 218.
70Supf, “Zur Baumwollfrage,” 9, 12; Gouverneur of Togo to Herrn Bezirksamts-leiter von Atakpame, December 9 (no year), file 1008, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo; “Massnahmen zur Hebung der Baumwollkultur im Bezirk Atakpakme unter Mitwirkung des Kolonialwirtschaftlichen Komitees,” Verwaltung des deutschen Schutz-gebietes Togo, file 1008, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo; for the Governor of Togo see Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, 57–59; “Baumwollinspektion für Togo,” file 1008, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 3, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo. John Robinson 早在1904年曾说过：“多哥人民的习惯无法在一天之内改变”；见 “Baumwollanbau im Schutzgebiet Togo, Darlegungen des Pflanzers John W. Robinson vom 26. 4. 1904 betr. die Vorausetzungen, Boden- und Klimaverhältnisse, Methoden und Arbeitsverbesserung, Bewässerung,” Fragment, file 89, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo.
71Paul Friebel to Togo Baumwollgesellschaft, Atakpame, April 7, 1911, File 7,2016, 1, Papers of the Togo Baumwollgesellschaft mbH, Staatsarchiv Bremen, Bremen, Germany; 英国棉花种植协会在非洲的经验在许多方面与德国的经验相似；其历史见 Robins, “The Black Man’s Crop.”
72See “Baumwollanbau im Schutzgebiet Togo, Darlegungen des Pflanzers John W. Robinson vom 26. 4. 1904 betr. die Voraussetzungen, Boden- und Klimaverhältnisse, Methoden und Arbeitsverbesserung, Bewässerung,” Fragment, 13 and 49, file 89, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Anson Phelps Stokes, A Brief Biography of Booker Washington (Hampton, VA: Hampton Institute Press, 1936), 13; John Robinson to Graf Zech, January 12, 1904, file 332, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo.
73Bassett, Peasant Cotton, 55, 59; Julia Seibert, “Arbeit und Gewalt: Die langsame Durchsetzung der Lohnarbeit im kolonialen Kongo, 1885–1960” (PhD dissertation, University of Trier, 2012), 186–206; Isaacman and Roberts, “Cotton, Colonialism,” 27; Vail and White, “Tawani, Machambero,” 252, 253.
74For an excellent survey see Isaacman and Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism. German cotton experts were still envious of British successes in Africa; see O. Warburg, “Zum Neuen Jahr 1914,” Der Tropenpflanzer: Zeitschrift für tropische Landwirtschaft 18 (January 1914): 9; Polly Hill, The Migrant Cocoa-Farmers of Southern Ghana: A Study in Rural Capitalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963); League of Nations, Economic and Financial Section, International Statistical Yearbook 1926 (Geneva: Publications of League of Nations, 1927), 72; League of Nations, Economic Intelligence Service, Statistical Year-book of the League of Nations 1939/40 (Geneva: Series of League of Nations Publications, 1940), 122; National Cotton Council of America, accessed April 10, 2013, http://www.cotton.org/econ/cropinfo/cropdata/country-statistics.cfm; Etonam Digo, “Togo Expects to Meet Cotton Production Targets as Harvest Avoids Flooding,” Bloomberg, October 29, 2010, accessed April 10, 2013, http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2010–10–29/togo-expects-to-meet-cotton-production-targets-as-harvest-avoids-flooding.html.
75Isaacman and Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism; Bassett, Peasant Cotton; Ehrlich, “Marketing,” 28–33; on the Association Cotonnière Coloniale see Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, 66–68, 69–71; as to the Sudan, see Booker T. Washington to Gladwin Bouton, May 6, 1915, and Leigh Hart to Booker T. Washington, February 3, 1904, Booker T. Washington Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, DC; Radcliffe, “Tuskegee-Togo,” 3, 133, 135; Karl Supf, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, 295, 297;德国殖民者棉花业者也经常提到法国、英国和俄国的经验，例如参见 Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, Deutsch-Koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen, 66–71; “Anlage zum Bericht des Kaiserlichen Generalkonsulats in Saint Petersburg,” December 26, 1913, sent to Reichs-Kolonialamt and the Governor of Togo, 360, record group R 150F, Fonds Allemand 1, Papers of the Administration of the German Protectorate Togo (L’Administration du Protectorat Allemand du Togo), Archives Nationales du Togo, Lomé, microfilm copy in Bundes-archiv, Berlin; copy of a report by R. B. D. Morier to the Secretary of State, The Marquis of Salisbury, October 12, 1889, Compilations Vol. 51, 1890, Compilation No. 476, “Establishment by the Russian Government of a Model Cotton Plantation in the Merva Oasis,” Revenue Department, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Robins, “The Black Man’s Crop,” 16; Ministère des Affaires étrangères, Direction des Affaires politiques et commerciales, No. 88, Copie M, Verchere de Reffye, Consul de France à Alexandrie à M. Pincarem Alexandrie, August 30, 1912, and Dépêche de Consulat de France, Saint Petersburg, June 15, 1912, in 9 AFFECO, Affairs économquie, Fonds Ministeriels, Archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence; The Fourth International Congress of Delegated Representatives of Master Spinners’ and Manufacturers’ Associations, Held in Musikvereinsgebäude, Vienna, May 27th to 29th, 1907 (Manchester: Taylor, Garnett, Evans, & Co., 1907), 306; International Cotton Congress, Official Report of the International Cotton Congress, Held in Egypt, 1927 (Manchester: Taylor Garnett Evans & Co. Ltd., 1927), 179–89.
76关于苏联增产棉花的努力，见 Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams; Maya Peterson, “Technologies of Rule: Empire, Water, and the Modernization of Central Asia, 1867–1941” (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 2011); Christof Dejung, “The Boundaries of Western Power: The Colonial Cotton Economy in India and the Problem of Quality,” in Christof Dejung and Niels P. Petersson, eds., The Foundations of Worldwide Economic Integration: Power, Institutions, and Global Markets, 1850–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 156; Rudolf Asmis and Dr. Zeller, Taschkent, April 10, 1923, mailing of colonial cotton brochures, Berlin, May 7, 1923; memo, Der heutige Stand der Baumwollkultur in Turkestan und das Problem einer deutschen Mitarbeit an ihrem Wiederaufbau; minutes of the meeting of the Baumwoll-Kommission des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees, June 28, 1923; minutes of the meeting of the Baumwollbau-Kommission, Diskonto Gesellschaft, Berlin, July 12, 1923, all in Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee, R 8024/25, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Ekonomitsceskaja Shisnj, July 12, 1923, translated by the German embassy in Moscow, in Kolonialwirtschaftliches Komitee, R 8024/25, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; there are also documents in the file testifying to the execution of cotton experts in Central Asia who did not do enough to fight a locus plague.
77在一个非常不同的场景下，Kären Wigen 也讲述了日本特定地区并入全国及全球经济的故事；见 Kären Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery, 1750–1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).
78Buehler, “Die Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen,” 91; Bleifuss and Hergenröder, Die “Otto-Plantage Kilossa,” 39; Pierre de Smet, Les origins et l’organisation de la filature de coton en Belgique. Notice publiée à l’occasion du 25ème anniversaire de l’Association Cotonnière de Belgique (Brüssels, 1926), 1; Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams, chapter 1, 67; E. R. B. Denniss, “Government of the Soudan Loan Guarantee,” Parliamentary Debates, Fifth Series, vol. 52, col. 428, April 23, 1913.
79See chapter 10, note 5.
第13章 重回全球南方1Kenneth L. Gillion, Ahmedabad: A Study in Indian Urban History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 69; Makrand Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry: Genesis and Growth (Ahmedabad: New Order Book Co., 1982), viii, 33–34, 43, 50, 53; Dwijendra Tripathi, Historical Roots of Industrial Entrepreneurship in India and Japan: A Comparative Interpretation (New Delhi: Manohar, 1997), 108; Sujata Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry, 1918–1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 21–22.
2Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry, 54, 57; Times of India, June 12, 1861.
3Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry, 6, 8–9, 14, 20.
4Ibid., 66, 67, 77ff., 80, 85–87, 96–102; Salim Lakha, Capitalism and Class in Colonial India: The Case of Ahmedabad (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1988), 64–66; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations, 13, 21, 22, 23, 24; Tripathi, Historical Roots of Industrial Entrepreneurship in India and Japan, 107; Irina Spector-Marks, “Mr. Ghandi Visits Lancashire: A Study in Imperial Miscommunication” (Honors Thesis, Macalester College, 2008), 23.
5Stephan H. Lindner, “Technology and Textiles Globalization,” History and Technology 18 (2002), 3; Douglas A. Farnie and David J. Jeremy, The Fibre that Changed the World: The Cotton Industry in International Perspective, 1600–1990s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 23; Lindner, “Technology and Textiles Globalization,” 4; John Singleton, Lancashire on the Scrapheap: The Cotton Industry, 1945–1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 11; Douglas A. Farnie and Takeshi Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures, 1890–1990,” in Douglas Farnie et al., eds., Region and Strategy in Britain and Japan, Business in Lancashire and Kansai, 1890–1990 (London: Routledge, 2000), 140, 147.
6Farnie and Jeremy, The Fibre That Changed the World, 23; David L. Carlton and Peter A. Coclanis, “Southern Textiles in Global Context,” in Susanna Delfino and Michele Gillespie, eds., Global Perspectives on Industrial Transformation in the American South (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2005) 153, 155; Gary R. Saxonhouse and Gavin Wright, “New Evidence on the Stubborn English Mule and the Cotton Industry, 1878–1920,” Economic History Review, New Series, 37, no. 4 (November 1984): 519. 值得注意的是，日本锭子比印度锭子生产的纱线要多得多。
7Arno S. Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India, Being the Report of the Journey to India (Manchester: Taylor, Garnett, Evans, 1930), 3.
8Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India, 101; Philip T. Silvia, “The Spindle City: Labor, Politics, and Religion in Fall River, Massachusetts, 1870–1905” (PhD dissertation, Fordham University, 1973), 7; Thomas Russell Smith, “The Cotton Textile Industry of Fall River, Massachusetts: A Study of Industrial Localization” (PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 1943), 21; William F. Hartford, Where Is Our Responsibility?: Unions and Economic Change in the New England Textile Industry, 1870–1960 (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1996), 7–8, 54; John T. Cumbler, Working-Class Community in Industrial America: Work, Leisure, and Struggle in Two Industrial Cities, 1880–1930 (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1979), 54.
9Hartford, Where Is Our Responsibility? 12, 28; Mary H. Blewett, Constant Turmoil: The Politics of Industrial Life in Nineteenth-Century New England (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2000), 183; Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, Thirteenth Annual Report (Boston: Rand, Avery & Co., 1882), 195.
10Cumbler, Working-Class Community in Industrial America, 105, 118; Dietrich Ebeling et al., “The German Wool and Cotton Industry from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century,” in Lex Heerma van Voss, Els Hiemstra-Kuperus, and Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 1650–2000 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010), 227. 马萨诸塞州劳工统计局估计，一个家庭每年至少需要400美元的租金、燃料、食物和衣服。见 Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, Sixth Annual Report (Boston: Wright and Potter, 1875), 118, 221–354, esp. 291, 372, 373, 441.
11Hartford, Where Is Our Responsibility? 7–17, 29; Isaac Cohen, “American Management and British Labor: Lancashire Immigrant Spinners in Industrial New England,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 27, no. 4 (October 1, 1985): 611, 623–24; Blewett, Constant Turmoil, 112; David Montgomery, The Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State, and American Labor Activism, 1865–1925 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 163.
12R. B. Forrester, The Cotton Industry in France (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1921), 100; Claude Fohlen, L’industrie textile au temps du Second Empire (Paris: Librairie Plon, 1956), 412; David Allen Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace, 1830–1945 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2001), 3, 64, 65.
13Ebeling et al.,“The German Wool and Cotton Industry,” 228; R. M. R. Dehn, The German Cotton Industry (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1913), 71–72.
14M.V. Konotopov et al., Istoriia otechestvennoi tekstil’noi promyshlennosti (Moscow: Legprombytizdat, 1992), 179; Dave Pretty, “The Cotton Textile Industry in Russia and the Soviet Union,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 435–37, 439; Dave Pretty, “The Cotton Textile Industry in Russia and the Soviet Union” (presentation, Textile Conference, International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, November 2004), 17, 33.
15Andreas Balthasar, Erich Gruner, and Hans Hirter, “Gewerkschaften und Arbeitgeber auf dem Arbeitsmarkt: Streiks, Kampf ums Recht und Verhältnis zu anderen Interessengruppen,” in Erich Gruner, ed., Arbeiterschaft und Wirtschaft in der Schweiz 1880–1914: Soziale Lage, Organisation und Kämpfe von Arbeitern und Unternehmern, politische Organisation und Sozialpolitik, vol. 2, part 1 (Zürich: Chronos, 1988), 456ff., 464; Angel Smith et al., “Spain,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 465–67; Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, Lex Heerman van Voss, and Els Hiemstra-Kuperus, “The Netherlands,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 388.
16T. J. Hatton, G. R. Boyer, and R. E. Bailey, “The Union Wage Effect in Late Nineteenth Century Britain,” Economica 61, no. 244 (November 1994): 436, 449; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 134, 136; William Lazonick, Competitive Advantage on the Shop Floor (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 115, 136.
17Charles Tilly, “Social Change in Modern Europe: The Big Picture,” in Lenard R. Berlanstein, ed., The Industrial Revolution and Work in Nineteenth-Century Europe (New York: Routledge, 1992), 54–55; Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, Lex Heerma van Voss, and Els Hiemstra-Kuperus, “Covering the World: Some Conclusions to the Project,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 773–92.
18Dehn, The German Cotton Industry, 94; Kathleen Canning, Languages of Labor and Gender: Female Factory Work in Germany, 1850–1914 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), 261; Günter Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der deutschen Baumwollindustrie im 19. Jahrhundert: Eine historische Modellstudie zur empirischen Wachstumsforschung” (PhD dissertation, University of Münster, 1973), 86; Patricia Penn Hilden, “Class and Gender: Conflicting Components of Women’s Behaviour in the Textile Mills of Lille, Roubaix and Tourcoing, 1880–1914,” Historical Journal 27, no. 2 (June 1984): 378; Smith et al., “Spain,” 468.
19Dehn, The German Cotton Industry, 82; Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der deutschen Baumwollindustrie,” 159–60. 实际工资（以1913马克为准）从每年563.58马克增加到每年860马克。See implicit deflator of net national product in Table A.5, Cost of Living Indices in Germany, 1850–1985 (1913=100), Appendix, in P. Scholliers and Z. Zamagni, eds., Labour’s Reward: Real Wages and Economic Change in 19th- and 20th-Century Europe(Brookfield, VT: Edward Elgar Publishing, 1995), 226; 如果我们假设在两个星期内劳动十二天，1870年阿尔萨斯的日工资在1910法郎每天2.51—3.00法郎之间，1910年每天5.42—6.25法郎。要计算实际工资，见 Table H1, Wholesale Price Indices, in B. R. Mitchell, International Historical Statistics: Europe, 1750–2005 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 955–56. Smith et al., “Spain,” 469; Smith, “The Cotton Textile Industry of Fall River,” 88. 19世纪90年代，非技术工人每天挣35.92美元，1920年每天挣53.72美元。织布机固定工从1890年的每天42.39美元上升到1920年的每天81.92美元。看见 Table III. Classified Rates of Wages per Hour in Each State, by Years, 1907 to 1912, in Fred Cleveland Croxton, Wages and Hours of Labor in the Cotton, Woolen, and Silk Industries (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1913).
20Harvey, Constructing Class and Nationality in Alsace, 82; Dehn, The German Cotton Industry, 94; Georg Meerwein, “Die Entwicklung der Chemnitzer bezw. sächsischen Baumwollspinnerei von 1789–1879” (PhD dissertation, University of Heidelberg, 1914), 94; Beth English, “Beginnings of the Global Economy: Capital Mobility and the 1890s U.S. Textile Industry,” in Delfino and Gillespie, eds., Global Perspectives on Industrial Transformation in the American South, 177; Walter Bodmer, Die Entwicklung der schweizerischen Textilwirtschaft im Rahmen der übrigen Industrien und Wirtschafts-zweige (Zürich: Verlag Berichthaus, 1960), 397.
21English, “Beginnings of the Global Economy,” 176; W. F. Bruck, Die Geschichte des Kriegsausschusses der deutschen Baumwoll-Industrie (Berlin: Kriegsausschuss der Deutschen Baumwoll-Industrie, 1920), 11; John Steven Toms, “Financial Constraints on Economic Growth: Profits, Capital Accumulation and the Development of the Lancashire Cotton-Spinning Industry, 1885–1914,” Accounting Business and Financial History 4, no. 3 (1994): 367; J. H. Bamberg, “The Rationalization of the British Cotton Industry in the Interwar Years,” Textile History 19, no. 1 (1988): 85; M. W. Kirby, “The Lancashire Cotton Industry in the Inter-War Years: A Study in Organizational Change” Business History 16, no. 2 (1974): 151.
22Kirchhain, “Das Wachstum der deutschen Baumwollindustrie,” 95, 166; Gregory Clark, “Why Isn’t the Whole World Developed? Lessons from the Cotton Mills,” Journal of Economic History 47, no. 1 (March 1987): 145, 148; Hermann Kellenbenz, Deutsche Wirtschaftsgeschichte, vol. 2 (München: Beck, 1981), 406; Meerkerk et al., “Covering the World,” 785.
23Gisela Müller, “Die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Wiesentäler Textilindustrie bis zum Jahre 1945” (PhD dissertation, University of Basel, 1965), 49; Deutsche Volks-wirtschaftlichen Correspondenz 42 (Ulm: Gebrüder Rübling, 1879), 8; Brian A’Hearn, “Institutions, Externalities, and Economic Growth in Southern Italy: Evidence from the Cotton Textile Industry, 1861–1914,” Economic History Review 51, no. 4 (1998): 742; Jörg Fisch, Europa zwischen Wachstum und Gleichheit, 1850–1914 (Stuttgart: Ulmer, 2002), 65; Tom Kemp, Economic Forces in French History (London: Dennis Dobson, 1971), 184; Auguste Lalance, La crise de l’industrie cotonnière (Mulhouse: Veuve Bader & Cie., 1879), 6.
24Department of Commerce and Labor, Bureau of Manufactures, and W. A. Graham Clark, Cotton Goods in Latin America: Part 1, Cuba, Mexico, and Central America (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1909), 6–7, 14; Jordi Nadal, “The Failure of the Industrial Revolution in Spain, 1830–1914,” in Carlo M. Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History of Europe, vol. 4, part 2, The Emergence of Industrial Societies (Great Britain: Fontana, 1973), 612–13; M. V. Konotopov et al., Istoriia otechestvennoi tekstil’noi promyshlennosti (Moscow: Legprombytizdat, 1992), 268–69; For Atkinson see Edward Atkinson, Cotton: Articles from the New York Herald (Boston: Albert J. Wright, 1877), 31.
25As reflected, for example, in the Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce; in M8/2/1/16, Proceedings of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, 1919–1925, Manchester Library and Local Studies, Manchester.
26Times, October 3, 1923, 9; see also James Watt Jr. to Richard Bond, Esq., July 7, 1934, in DDX1115/6/26, Liverpool Records Office, Liverpool; as quoted in Spector-Marks, “Mr. Ghandi Visits Lancashire,” 44.
27“Textile Shutdown Visioned by Curley: New England Industry Will Die in Six Months Unless Washington Helps, He Says,” New York Times, April 15, 1935. 工资成本对纺织品生产地理位置的重要性也是阿姆斯特丹社会历史研究所多年研究项目的核心成果之一。见 Meerkerk et al., “Covering the World,” 774.
28关于欧洲和美国的这一冲突，见 Sven Beckert, “Space Matters: Eurafrica, the American Empire and the Territorialization of Industrial Capitalism, 1870–1940” (article in progress).
29Carlton and Coclanis, “Southern Textiles in Global Context,” 160, 167ff.; Alice Carol Galenson, The Migration of the Cotton Textile Industry from New England to the South, 1880–1930 (New York: Garland, 1985), 2; Timothy J. Minchin, Hiring the Black Worker: The Racial Integration of the Southern Textile Industry, 1960–1980 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), 9; Robert M. Brown, “Cotton Manufacturing: North and South,” Economic Geography 4, no. 1 (January 1, 1928): 74–87.
30Mildred Gwin Andrews, The Men and the Mills: A History of the Southern Textile Industry (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1987), 1; Galenson, The Migration of the Cotton Textile Industry, 189–90; Carlton and Coclanis, “Southern Textiles in Global Context,” 155, 156, 158; for the “labor agitation” quote see Commercial Bulletin, September 28, 1894, as quoted in Beth English, A Common Thread: Labor, Politics, and Capital Mobility in the Textile Industry (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2006), 39; Lynchburg News, January 18, 1895, as cited in English, “Beginnings of the Global Economy,” 176; Hartford, Where Is Our Responsibility? 54.
31Elijah Helm, “An International of the Cotton Industry,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 17, no. 3 (May 1903): 428; Galenson, The Migration of the Cotton Textile Industry, 186; Melvin Thomas Copeland, The Cotton Manufacturing Industry of the United States (New York: A. M. Kelley, 1966), 40, 46. See also Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983); Gavin Wright, “The Economic Revolution in the American South,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 1, no. 1 (Summer 1987): 169. 关于南方农村的转型如何影响到美国南方受薪工人的出现，见 Barbara Fields, “The Nineteenth-Century American South: History and Theory,” Plantation Society in the Americas 2, no. 1 (April 1983): 7–27; Steven Hahn, “Class and State in Postemancipation Societies: Southern Planters in Comparative Perspective,” American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (1990): 75–88; Southern and Western Textile Excelsior, December 11, 1897, as cited in English, “Beginnings of the Global Economy,” 188; English, A Common Thread, 116.
32Galenson, The Migration of the Cotton Textile Industry, 141; Copeland, The Cotton Manufacturing Industry, 42; Katherine Rye Jewell, “Region and Sub-Region: Mapping Southern Economic Identity” (unpublished paper, 36th Annual Meeting of the Social Science History Association, Boston, 2011).
33Geoffrey Jones and Judith Vale, “Merchants as Business Groups: British Trading Companies in Asia before 1945,” Business History Review 72, no. 3 (1998): 372; on Portugal see Board Minutes, vol. 1, 1888–1905, Boa Vista Spinning & Weaving Company, Guildhall Library, London. On the Ottoman Empire see Necla Geyikdagi, Foreign Investment in the Ottoman Empire: International Trade and Relations, 1854–1914 (New York: I. B. Tauris, 2011), 131; E. R. J. Owen, “Lord Cromer and the Development of Egyptian Industry, 1883–1907,” Middle Eastern Studies 2, no. 4 (July 1966): 283, 289; Arno S. Pearse, Brazilian Cotton (Manchester: Printed by Taylor, Garnett, Evans & Co., 1921), 29; Speech at Konferenz der mitteleuropäischen Wirtschaftsvereine in Dresden, am 17. und 18. Januar 1916, Protokolle der Verhandlungen, Auswärtiges Amt, 1916–1918, Akten betreffend den mitteleurpäischen Wirtschaftsverein, Auswärtiges Amt, R 901, 2502, Bundesarchiv, Berlin; Michael Owen Gately, “Development of the Russian Cotton Textile Industry in the Pre-revolutionary Years, 1861–1913” (PhD dissertation, University of Kansas, 1968), 156; Bianka Pietrow-Ennker, “Wirtschaftsbürger und Bürgerlichkeit im Königreich Polen: Das Beispiel von Lodz, dem Manchester des Ostens,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 31 (2005): 175, 177, 178.
34体制对经济发展的重要性，从而对政治的重要性，以及殖民主义的破坏性影响，也得到以下著作的强调：Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson, “Reversal of Fortune: Geography and Institutions in the Making of the Modern World Income Distribution,” Quarterly Journal of Economics 117, no. 4 (November 2002): 1231–94. 不过，我在本文强调的是不同的体制。
35Samuel C. Chu, Reformer in Modern China: Chang Chien, 1853–1926 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965), 17, 45–46; Albert Feuerwerker, China’s Early Industrialization: Sheng Hsuan-Huai (1844–1916) and Mandarin Enterprise(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1958), 15; on Zhang see also Elizabeth Köll, From Cotton Mill to Business Empire: The Emergence of Regional Enterprises in Modern China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), 56–62.
36Yen-P’ing Hao and Erh-min Wang, “Changing Chinese Views of Western Relations, 1840–95,” in John K. Fairbank and Kwang-Ching Liu, The Cambridge History of China, vol. 11, Late Ch’ing, 1800–1911, part 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 142–201; Feuerwerker, China’s Early Industrialization, 36–37; Associação Industrial, Representação dirigida ao exmo. Snr. Ministro da Fazenda (Rio de Janiero, 1881), 5, 11, as quoted in Stanley J. Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture: Textile Enterprise in an Underdeveloped Area, 1850–1950 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957), 82; Manifesto da Associação Industrial, O Industrial (Orgão da Associação Industrial), May 21, 1881, as quoted in Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture, 82; Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture, 83–84.
37Byron Marshall, Capitalism and Nationalism in Pre-war Japan (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1967), 15–16.
38Carter J. Eckert, Offspring of Empire: The Koch’ang Kins and the Colonial Origins of Korean Capitalism, 1876–1945 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1991), 30, 40; Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India, 3.
39Pearse, Brazilian Cotton, 27–28; Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture, 114.
40Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture, 66–67, 77, 82, 84–85, 98,100–1; Pearse, Brazilian Cotton, 40; the Englishman is quoted in Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture, 101.
41Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture, 53, 54, 57, 62; Pearse, Brazilian Cotton, 32; Companhia Brazil Industrial, The Industry of Brazil, 17.
42Stein, The Brazilian Cotton Manufacture, 99; Rafael Dobado Gonzalez, Aurora Gomez Galvarriato, and Jeffrey G. Williamson, “Globalization, De-industrialization and Mexican Exceptionalism, 1750–1879,” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 12316, June 2006, 40; Stephen Haber, Armando Razo, and Noel Maurer, The Politics of Property Rights: Political Instability, Credible Commitments, and Economic Growth in Mexico, 1876–1929 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 128; Clark et al., Cotton Goods in Latin America, 20, 38; Wolfgang Müller, “Die Textilindustrie des Raumes Puebla (Mexiko) im 19. Jahrhundert” (PhD dissertation, University of Bonn, 1977), 63; Stephen H. Haber, “Assessing the Obstacles to Industrialisation: The Mexican Economy, 1830–1940,” Journal of Latin American Studies 24, no. 1 (February 1992), 18–21; Stephen Haber, Crony Capitalism and Economic Growth in Latin America: Theory and Evidence(Palo Alto, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 2002), 66, Table 2.3; Mirta Zaida Lobato, “A Global History of Textile Production, 1650–2000 (Argentina), Textile Conference IISH, November 11–13, 2004; Lockwood, Greene & Co. to Carlos Tornquist, Boston, August 13, 1924, in Industrias 144–8271, Biblioteca Tornquist del Banco Central de la República Argentina, Buenos Aires; Producción, elaboración y consumo del algodón en la República Argentina, 1924, in Industrias 144–8271, Biblioteca Tornquist del Banco Central de la República Argentina, Buenos Aires; Carlos D. Girola, El Algodonero: Su cultivo en las varias partes del mundo, con referencias especiales a la República Argentinia (Buenos Aires: Compania Sud-Americana, 1910).
43A. J. Robertson, “Lancashire and the Rise of Japan, 1910–1937,” in S. D. Chapman, ed., The Textile Industries, vol. 2 (London: I. B. Tauris, 1997), 490.
44W. Miles Fletcher III, “The Japan Spinners Association: Creating Industrial Policy in Mejii Japan,” Journal of Japanese Studies 22, no. 1 (1996): 67; E. Patricia Tsurumi, Factory Girls: Women in the Thread Mills of Meiji Japan (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), 35; Thomas C., Smith, Political Change and Industrial Development in Japan: Government Enterprise, 1868–1880 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1955), 27, 58.
45On imports see Motoshige Itoh and Masayuki Tanimoto, “Rural Entrepreneurs in the Cotton Weaving Industry in Japan,” (unpublished paper, in author’s possession, May 1995), 6; Ebara Soroku, as cited in Fletcher III, “The Japan Spinners Association,” Journal of Japanese Studies, 67.
46Fletcher III, “The Japan Spinners Association,” 68; Yukio Okamoto, Meijiki bōseki rōdō kankeishi: Nihonteki koyō, rōshi kankei keisei e no sekkin (Fukuoka: Kyōshu¯ Daigaku Shuppankai, 1993), 157–58, 213–14; Tsurumi, Factory Girls, 42.
47Takeshi Abe, “The Development of Japanese Cotton Weaving Industry in Edo Period” (unpublished and undated paper, in author’s possession), 1; Masayuki Tanimoto, “The Role of Tradition in Japan’s Industrialization,” in Masayuki Tanimoto, ed., The Role of Tradition in Japan’s Industrialization: Another Path to Industrialization, vol. 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 9.
48Naosuke Takamura, Nihon bōsekigyōshi josetsu, vol. 1 (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobō, 1971), 63; Naosuke Takamura, Nihon bōsekigyōshi josetsu, vol. 2 (Tokyo: Hanawa Shobō, 1971), 119; Tanimoto, “The Role of Tradition in Japan’s Industrialization,” 4, 12; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 119.
49Fletcher III, “The Japan Spinners Association,” Journal of Japanese Studies, 49–75; Fletcher III, “The Japan Spinners Association,” in The Textile Industry, 66; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 118, 126.
50Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 121, 128; Takeshi Abe, “The Development of the Producing-Center Cotton Textile Industry in Japan between the Two World Wars,” Japanese Yearbook on Business History 9 (1992): 17, 19; see also Hikotaro Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan (Tübingen: Laupp’schen Buchhandlung, 1911), 71, 88.
51Takamura, Nihon bōsekigyōshi josetsu, vol. 1, 239. On shipping see William Wray, Mitsubishi and the N.Y.K., 1870–1914: Business Strategy in the Japanese Shipping Industry (Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1984).
52关于一般的统计状况，见 Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan, 78, 84; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 136–37; Takeshi Abe, “The Chinese Market for Japanese Cotton Textile Goods,” in Kaoru Sugihara, ed., Japan, China, and the Growth of the Asian International Economy, 1850–1949, vol. 1 (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2005), 74, 77.
53Natsuko Kitani, “Cotton, Tariffs and Empire: The Indo-British Trade Relationship and the Significance of Japan in the First Half of the 1930s” (PhD dissertation, Osaka University of Foreign Studies, 2004), iii–v, 5, 49, 65; Department of Overseas Trade, Conditions and Prospects of United Kingdom Trade in India, 1937–38 (London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1939), 170. See also Toyo Menka Kaisha, The Indian Cotton Facts 1930 (Bombay: Toyo Menka Kaisha Ltd., 1930), 98.
54请参阅日本棉纺织业协会的藏书，其中载有许多关于英国、美国、德国、印度和其他地方劳工问题的书籍；见 Japanese Cotton Spinners Association Library, University of Osaka. On labor more generally see E. Tsurumi, Factory Girls; 关于农村与都市受薪劳工之间的关联，见 Johannes Hirschmeier, The Origins of Entrepreneurship in Meiji Japan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1964), 80; Toshiaki Chokki, “Labor Management in the Cotton Spinning Industry,” in Smitka ed., The Textile Industry and the Rise of the Japanese Economy, 7; Janet Hunter, Women and the Labour Market in Japan’s Industrialising Economy: The Textile Industry Before the Pacific War (London: Routledge, 2003), 69–70, 123–24; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 120; Janet Hunter and Helen Macnaughtan, “Japan,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 317; Gary Saxonhouse and Yukihiko Kiyokawa, “Supply and Demand for Quality Workers in Cotton Spinning in Japan and India,” in Smitka, ed., The Textile Industry and the Rise of the Japanese Economy, 185.
55Hunter, Women and the Labour Market, 4; Jun Sasaki, “Factory Girls in an Agrarian Setting circa 1910,” in Tanimoto, ed., The Role of Tradition in Japan’s Industrialization, 130; Tsurumi, Factory Girls, 10–19; Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan, 141.
56Hunter and Macnaughtan, “Japan,” 320–21. See also Gary Saxonhouse and Gavin Wright, “Two Forms of Cheap Labor in Textile History,” in Gary Saxonhouse and Gavin Wright, eds., Techniques, Spirit and Form in the Making of the Modern Economies: Essays in Honor of William N. Parker (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press 1984), 3–31; Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan, 143, 155; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 135.
57Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 125; Takamura, Nihon bōsekigyōshi josetsu, vol. 1, 308; 关于日本棉纺织业集体行动的情况，见 W. Miles Fletcher III, “Economic Power and Political Influence: The Japan Spinners Association, 1900–1930,” Asia Pacific Business Review 7, no. 2 (Winter 2000): 39–62, especially 47.
58Saxonhouse and Kiyokawa, “Supply and Demand for Quality Workers,” 186; Chokki, “Labor Management in the Cotton Spinning Industry,” 15; Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan, 147.
59The table on page 408 is based on information from Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan, 55, 84; Department of Finance, 1912: Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Insetsu Kyoku, n.d.), 554; for 1913–15, Department of Finance, 1915: Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan, part 1 (Tokyo: Insetsu Kyoku, n.d.), 448; Department of Finance, 1917: Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan, part 1 (Tokyo: Insetsu Kyoku, n.d.), 449. Department of Finance, 1895: Annual Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Insetsu Kyoku, n.d.), 296; for 1902, Department of Finance, December 1902: Monthly Return of the Foreign Trade of the Empire of Japan (Tokyo: Insetsu Kyoku, n.d.), 65; Tōyō Keizai Shinpōsha, ed., Foreign Trade of Japan: A Statistical Survey (Tokyo: 1935; 1975), 229–30, 49.
60关于工业的扩张亦可参见 Sung Jae Koh, Stages of Industrial Development in Asia: A Comparative History of the Cotton Industry in Japan, India, China, and Korea (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1966); Takamura, Nihon bōsekigyōshi josetsu, vol. 2, 121; Nishi, Die Baumwollspinnerei in Japan, 1; Takeshi Abé and Osamu Saitu, “From Putting-Out to the Factory: A Cotton-Weaving District in Late Meiji Japan,” Textile History 19, no. 2 (1988): 143–58; Jun Sasaki, “Factory Girls in an Agrarian Setting circa 1910,” in Tanimoto, ed., The Role of Tradition in Japan’s Industrialization, 121; Takeshi Abe, “Organizational Changes in the Japanese Cotton Industry During the Inter-war Period,” in Douglas A. Farnie and David J. Jeremy, eds., The Fibre That Changed the World: The Cotton Industry in International Perspective, 1600–1990s (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 462; Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 146; Johzen Takeuchi, “The Role of ‘Early Factories’ in Japanese Industrialization,” in Tanimoto, ed., The Role of Tradition in Japan’s Industrialization, 76.
61François Charles Roux, Le coton en Égypte (Paris: Librairie Armand Colin, 1908), 296, 297; Robert L. Tignor, Egyptian Textiles and British Capital, 1930–1956 (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1989), 9, 10; Owen, “Lord Cromer and the Development of Egyptian Industry,” 285, 288, 291, 292; Bent Hansen and Karim Nashashibi, Foreign Trade Regimes and Economic Development: Egypt (New York: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1975), 4.
62Tignor, Egyptian Textiles and British Capital, 12–14; Joel Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers: From Craft Artisans Facing European Competition to Proletarians Contending with the State,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 185; Hansen and Nashashibi, Foreign Trade Regimes and Economic Development, 3–4; for the quote see Robert L. Tignor, “Economic Planning, and Development Projects in Interwar Egypt,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 10, no. 2 (1977): 187, 189.
63Statistical Tables Relating to Indian Cotton: Indian Spinning and Weaving Mills (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1889), 95; Misra Bhubanes, The Cotton Mill Industry of Eastern India in the Late Nineteenth Century: Constraints on Foreign Investment and Expansion (Calcutta: Indian Institute of Management, 1985), 5; R. E. Enthoven, The Cotton Fabrics of the Bombay Presidency (Bombay: n.p., approx. 1897), 4; Pearse, The Cotton Industry of India, 22. On the growth of the Indian cotton industry see also Department of Commercial Intelligence and Statistics, Monthly Statistics of Cotton Spinning and Weaving in India Mills (Calcutta: n.p., 1929); Atma’ra’m Trimbuck to T. D. Mackenzie, Bombay, June 16, 1891, Revenue Department, 1891, No 160, Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai.
64Enthoven, The Cotton Fabrics of the Bombay Presidency, 6; Statistical Tables Relating to Indian Cotton, 116; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association for the Year 1897 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1898), 3; Amiya Kumar Bagchi, Private Investment in India, 1900–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 9; Helm, “An International Survey of the Cotton Industry,” 432.
65“Statement Exhibiting the Moral and Material Progress and Condition of India, 1895–96,” 172, in 1895, SW 241, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London. A slightly higher number is cited in Imperial and Asiatic Quarterly Review and Oriental and Colonial Record, Third Series, 58 (July–October 1904): 49. On the general points see Tirthankar Roy, “The Long Globalization and Textile Producers in India,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 266–67. Toyo Menka Kaisha, The Indian Cotton Facts 1930 (Bombay: Toyo Menka Kaisha Ltd., 1930), 162, Appendix A, Progress of the Cotton Mill Industry; Enthoven, The Cotton Fabrics of the Bombay Presidency, 7; Eckehard Kulke, The Parsees in India: A Minority as Agent of Social Change (Munich: Weltforum Verlag, 1974), 120–25.
66Morris D. Morris, The Emergence of an Industrial Labor Force in India: A Study of the Bombay Cotton Mills, 1854–1947 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), 101, 103, 114; Manmohandas Ramji, Chairman of the Bombay Millowners’ Association, at Its Annual General Meeting held on April 28, 1910, in Report of the Bombay Mill-owners’ Association for the Year 1909 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1910), v; Letter from the Officiating Secretary of the Government of India, Home, Revenue and Agricultural Department (Judicial), no 12–711, dated May 2, 1881, in Revenue Department, 1881, No. 776, Acts and Regulations, Factory Act of 1881, in Maharashtra State Archives, Mumbai; Shashi Bushan Upadhyay, Dissension and Unity: The Origins of Workers’ Solidarity in the Cotton Mills of Bombay, 1875–1918 (Surat: Center for Social Studies, July 1990), 1; Dietmar Rothermund, An Economic History of India: From Pre-colonial Times to 1991(London: Routledge, 1993), 51; M. P. Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry: Its Past, Present and Future (Calcutta: Mitra, 1930), 67; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association for the Year 1906 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1907), ii; “Memorandum on the Cotton Import and Excise Duties,” 5–6, in L/E/9/153, Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London.
67Rothermund, An Economic History of India, 37.
68Tripathi, Historical Roots of Industrial Entrepreneurship in India and Japan, 14, 139.
69Albert Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China, 1871–1910,” Journal of Economic History 30, no. 2 (June 1970): 338.
70Ramon H. Myers, “Cotton Textile Handicraft and the Development of the Cotton Textile Industry in Modern China,” Economic History Review, New Series, 18, no. 3 (1965): 615; Katy Le Mons Walker, “Economic Growth, Peasant Marginalization, and the Sexual Division of Labor in Early Twentieth-Century China: Women’s Work in Nantong County,” Modern China 19, no. 3 (July 1993): 360; R. S. Gundry, ed., A Retrospect of Political and Commercial Affairs in China & Japan, During the Five Years 1873 to 1877 (Shanghai: Kelly & Walsh, 1878), Commercial, 1877, 98; Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China,” 342; H. D. Fong, “Cotton Industry and Trade in China,” Chinese Social and Political Science Review 16 (October 1932): 400, 402; United States Department of Commerce and Ralph M. Odell, Cotton Goods in China (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1916), 33, 43; M. V. Brandt, Stand und Aufgabe der deutschen Industrie in Ostasien (Hildesheim: August Lax, 1905), 11. 1902年，中国棉花进口总值的55%来自英国，26.8%来自美国，只有2.7%来自日本。到1930年，日本已占72.2%，英国下降到13.2%，美国下降到0.1%。有关这些统计信息，请参阅 Kang Chao, with Jessica C. Y. Chao, The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 97.
71Köll, From Cotton Mill to Business Empire, 36–37; James R. Morrell, “Origins of the Cotton Textile Industry in China” (PhD dissertation, Harvard University, 1977), 1, 147–75.
72Myers, “Cotton Textile Handicraft and the Development of the Cotton Textile Industry,” 626–27; Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China,” 346; Fong, “Cotton Industry and Trade in China,” 348, 370–71, 411, 416; Shigeru Akita, “The British Empire and International Order of Asia, 1930s–1950s” (presentation, 20th International Congress of Historical Sciences, Sydney, 2005), 16; Shigeru Akita, “The East Asian International Economic Order in the 1850s,” in Antony Best, ed., The International History of East Asia, 1900–1908 (London: Routledge, 2010), 153–67; Abe, “The Chinese Market for Japanese Cotton Textile Goods,” 83; Robert Cliver, “China,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 116; Ralph M. Odell et al., Cotton Goods in China, 158.
73Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China,” 346; Loren Brandt, Commercialization and Agricultural Development: Central and Eastern China, 1870–1937 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 6; Robert Cliver, “China,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 116; Bruce L. Reynolds, “The Impact of Trade and Foreign Investment on Industrialization: Chinese Textiles, 1875–1931” (PhD dissertation, University of Michigan, 1975), 64; Chong Su, The Foreign Trade of China (New York: Columbia University, 1919), 304; Department of Overseas Trade and H. H. Fox, Economic Conditions in China to September 1, 1929 (London, 1929), 7, as quoted in Akita, “The British Empire and International Order of Asia,” 17.
74Odell et al., Cotton Goods in China, 161, 162ff., 168, 178, 179; Fong, “Cotton Industry and Trade in China,” 376; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association for the Year 1907 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1908), ii.
75Fong, “Cotton Industry and Trade in China,” 376; Jack Goldstone, “Gender, Work and Culture: Why the Industrial Revolution Came Early to England but Late to China,” Sociological Perspectives 39, no. 1 (1996): 1; Robert Cliver, “China,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 123–24.
76Chu, Reformer in Modern China, 19, 22, 24, 28; Marie-Claire Bergere, The Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie, 1911–1937 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 51–60; Cliver, “China,” 126, 194; Albert Feuerwerker, China’s Early Industrialization, 20, 28, 44; see Ching-Chun Wang, “How China Recovered Tariff Autonomy,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 152, no. 1 (1930): 266–77; Frank Kai-Ming Su and Alvin Barber, “China’s Tariff Autonomy, Fact or Myth,” Far Eastern Survey 5, no. 12 (June 3, 1936): 115–22; Kang Chao et al., The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China, 102; Abe, “The Chinese Market for Japanese Cotton Textile Goods,” 96; Feuerwerker, “Handicraft and Manufactured Cotton Textiles in China,” 343; Akita, “The British Empire and International Order of Asia,” 20.
77Farnie and Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures,” 138, 139. 日本在中国的棉纺纱厂的效率世界第一; Hunter et al., “Japan,” 316–17; United States Tariff Commission, Cotton Cloth, Report no. 112 (Washington: n.p., 1936), 157. 关于工资上涨，另见 Takamura, Nihon bōsekigyōshi josetsu, vol. 2, 209; Abe, “The Chinese Market for Japanese Cotton Textile Goods,” 95; Charles K. Moser, The Cotton Textile Industry of Far Eastern Countries (Boston: Pepperell Manufacturing Company, 1930), 87; Fong, “Cotton Industry and Trade in China,” 350.
78Richu Ding, “Shanghai Capitalists Before the 1911 Revolution,” Chinese Studies in History 18, no. 3–4 (1985): 33–82.
79R. L. N. Vijayanagar, Bombay Millowners’ Association, Centenary Souvenir, 1875–1975 (Bombay: The Association, 1979), 29, in Asiatic Society of Mumbai; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association…1909, vi; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association…1897, 80; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association for the Year 1900 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1901), 52. See also Report of the Bombay Mill-owners’ Association for the Year 1904 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1905), 156; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association…1907, xiii; Resolution of the First Indian Industrial Conference held at Benares on December 30, 1905, in Part C, No. 2, March 1906, Industries Branch, Department of Commerce and Industry, National Archives of India, New Delhi; Morris, The Emergence of an Industrial Labor Force in India, 38; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association…1907, xiii.
80Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry, 114; The Mahratta, January 19, 1896, February 2, 1896, February 9, 1896; “Memorandum on the Cotton Import and Excise Duties,” 6, L/E/9/153, in Oriental and India Office Collections, British Library, London; Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry, 66; G. V. Josji to G. K. Gokhale, File 4, Joshi Correspondence with Gokhale, Nehru Memorial Library, New Delhi.
81Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association for the Year 1901 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1902), 17–18.
82The Mahratta, March 15, 1896; Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry, 117–19, 131; Tripathi, Historical Roots of Industrial Entrepreneurship in India and Japan, 115; A. P. Kannangara, “Indian Millowners and Indian Nationalism Before 1914,” Past and Present 40, no. 1 (July 1968): 151. Bomanji Dinshaw Petit, 孟买一位棉纺厂主就说，“日本人在斯瓦德什精神的鼓舞下，他们拥有最大限度地利用这种精神的能力和优势”。Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association…1907, xii. For a different argument see Kannangara, “Indian Millowners and Indian Nationalism before 1914,” 147–64. In contrast, see Sumit Sarkar, Modern India, 1855–1947 (New Delhi: Macmillan, 1983), 132; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association…1906, iii.
83Sydenham College Magazine 1, no. 1 (August 1919); The Mahratta, October 11, 1896, May 3, 1896; Draft of the Minutes of a Meeting of the Cotton Merchants held at Surat on April 13, 1919, in File No. 11, Sir Purshotamdas Thakurdas Papers, Nehru Memorial Library, New Delhi; Letter of Purshotamdas Thakurdas to the Ahmedabad Millowners’ Association, March 22, 1919, in ibid.; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association…1904, 158. See also Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association…1907, iv; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association…1909, iv; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association…1907, viii.
84Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry; Lisa N. Trivedi, Clothing Gandhi’s Nation: Homespun and Modern India (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007), 105. 印度工厂主与民族主义运动之间的联系也可以参见 Sir Purshotamdas Thakurdas Papers, Nehru Memorial Library, New Delhi: for example, Letter of Sir Purshotamdas Tharkurdas to Ahmedabad Millowners Association, March 22, 1919, in Sir Purshotamdas Thakurdas Papers, File No. 11, Nehru Memorial Library; see also Draft of the Minutes of a Meeting of the Cotton Merchants held at Surat on April 13, 1919, in ibid.; “The Cotton Association,” in Sydenham College Magazine 1, no. 1 (August 1919), in ibid.; Sir Purshotamdas Tharkurdas to Amedabad Millowners’ Association, March 22, 1919, in ibid.
85Gandhi, The Indian Cotton Textile Industry, 71, 123. For the connections to mill owners see Makrand Mehta, “Gandhi and Ahmedabad, 1915–20,” Economic and Political Weekly 40 (January 22–28, 2005): 296. A. P. Kannangara, “Indian Millowners and Indian Nationalism before 1914,” Past and Present 40, no. 1 (July 1968): 164; Visvesvaraya, Planned Economy for India (Bangalore: Bangalore Press, 1934), v, 203; Ding, “Shanghai Capitalists Before the 1911 Revolution,” 33–82; on India see also Bipan Chandra, The Writings of Bipan Chandra: The Making of Modern India rom Marx to Gandhi (Hyderabad: Orient Blackswan, 2012), 385–441.
86Bagchi, Private Investment in India, 5, 240, 241.
87“The Cooperation of Japanese and Korean Capitalists,” as cited in Eckert, Offspring of Empire, 48; Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry, 121; Report of the Bombay Millowners’ Association for the Year 1908 (Bombay: Times of India Steam Press, 1909), vi; Ratanji Tata to G. K. Gokhale, Bombay, October 15, 1909, in Servants of India Society Papers, File 4, correspondence, Gokhale, 1890–1911, Part 2, Nehru Memorial Library, New Delhi; File No. 24, Sir Purshotamdas Thakurdas Papers, Nehru Memorial Library; Dietmar Rothermund, The Global Impact of the Great Depression, 1929–1939 (London: Routledge, 1996), 96; A Brief Memorandum Outlining a Plan of Economic Development for India, 1944, as reprinted in Purshotamdas Thakurdas, ed., A Brief Memorandum Outlining a Plan of Economic Development for India, 2 vols. (London: Penguin, 1945).
88See Joel Beinin, “Formation of the Egyptian Working Class,” Middle East Research and Information Project Reports 94 (February 1981): 14–23; Beinin, “Egyptian Textile Workers,” 188–89.
89Fong, “Cotton Industry and Trade in China,” 379, 381; Hung-Ting Ku, “Urban Mass Movement: The May Thirtieth Movement in Shanghai,” Modern Asian Studies 13, no. 2 (1979): 197–216.
90Morris, The Emergence of an Industrial Labor Force in India, 105, 178, 183; R. L. N. Vijayanagar, Bombay Millowners’ Association, Centenary Souvenir, 1875–1975 (Bombay: The Association, 1979), 63, in Asiatic Society of Mumbai; Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry, 113; Makrand Mehta, “Gandhi and Ahmedabad, 1915–20,” Economic and Political Weekly 40 (January 22–28, 2005): 298; Vijayanagar, Centenary Souvenir, 1875–1975, 29; Roy, “The Long Globalization and Textile Producers in India,” 269.
91Jacob Eyferth, “Women’s Work and the Politics of Homespun in Socialist China, 1949–1980,” International Review of Social History 57, no. 3 (2012): 13; Prabhat Patnaik, “Industrial Development in India Since Independence,” Social Scientist 7, no. 11 (June 1979): 7; Paritosh Banerjee, “Productivity Trends and Factor Compensation in Cotton Textile Industry in India: A Rejoinder,” Indian Journal of Industrial Relations 4 (April 1969): 542; Government of India, Ministry of Labour, Industrial Committee on Cotton Textiles, First Session, Summary of Proceedings, New Delhi, January 1948; Lars K. Christensen, “Institutions in Textile Production: Guilds and Trade Unions,” in Van Voss et al., eds., The Ashgate Companion to the History of Textile Workers, 766; Hansen and Nashashibi, Foreign Trade Regimes and Economic Development, 7, 19–20.
92Eyferth, “Women’s Work and the Politics of Homespun,” 21.
第14章 结语：经线和纬线1“Liverpool. By Order of the Liverpool Cotton Association Ltd., Catalogue of the Valuable Club Furnishings etc. to be Sold by Auction by Marsh Lyons & Co., Tuesday, 17th December 1963,” Greater Manchester County Record Office, Manchester.
2Douglas A. Farnie and Takeshi Abe, “Japan, Lancashire and the Asian Market for Cotton Manufactures, 1890–1990,” in Douglas Farnie et al., eds., Region and Strategy in Britain and Japan, Business in Lancashire and Kansai, 1890–1990(London: Routledge, 2000), 151–52; John Singleton, “Lancashire’s Last Stand: Declining Employment in the British Cotton Industry, 1950–1970,” Economic History Review, New Series, 39, no. 1 (February 1986): 92, 96–97; William Lazonick, “Industrial Organization and Technological Change: The Decline of the British Cotton Industry,” Business History Review 57, no. 2 (Summer 1983): 219. 具有讽刺意味的是，英国历史学家也在20世纪60年代开始淡化棉花工业对工业革命的重要性。
3John Baffes, “The ‘Cotton Problem,’” World Bank Research Observer 20, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 116.
4For India, see Official Indian Textile Statistics 2011–12, Ministry of Textiles, Government of India, Mumbai, accessed on June 5, 2013, http://www.txcindia.com/html/comp%20table%20pdf%202011–12/compsection1%2011–12.htm. For Pakistan see Muhammad Shahzad Iqbal et al., “Development of Textile Industrial Clusters in Pakistan,” Asian Social Science 6, no. 11 (2010): 132, Table 4.2, “Share of Textiles in Employment.” On China see Robert P. Antoshak, “Inefficiency and Atrophy in China’s Spinning Sector Provide Opportunities of Others,” Cotton: Review of World Situation 66 (November–December 2012), 14–17.
5National Cotton Council of America, “The Economic Outlook for U.S. Cotton, 2013,” accessed September 17, 2013, http://www.cotton.org/econ/reports/upload/13annmtg_all_final.pdf.另见 United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, “Cotton: World Markets and Trade,” Circular Series, April 2013; Oxfam, “Cultivating Poverty: The Impact of US Cotton Subsidies on Africa, 2002,” accessed March 15. 2012, http://www.oxfamamerica.org/files/cultivating-poverty.pdf. 关于世界棉花种植地区，见 International Cotton Advisory Committee, Cotton: Review of World Situation 66 (November–December 2012), 5; International Cotton Advisory Committee, “Survey of Cotton Labor Cost Components in Major Producing Countries” (April 2012), foreword. The estimate of 350 million is from Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, April 1, 2010. For the general points see Naoko Otobe, “Global Economic Crisis, Gender and Employment: The Impact and Policy Response,” ILO Employment Working Paper No. 74, 2011, 8; Clive James, “Global Review of Commercialized Transgenic Crops: 2001, Feature: Bt Cotton,” International Service for the Acquisition of Agri-Biotech Applications no. 26 (2002), 59. David Orden et al., “The Impact of Global Cotton and Wheat Prices on Rural Poverty in Pakistan,” Pakistan Development Review 45, no. 4 (December 2006): 602; John Baffes, “The ‘Cotton Problem,’” World Bank Research Observer 20, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 109.
6Sabrina Tavernise, “Old Farming Habits Leave Uzbekistan a Legacy of Salt,” New York Times, June 15, 2008; “Ministry Blames Bt Cotton for Farmer Suicides,” Hindustan Times, March 26, 2012; David L. Stern, “In Tajikistan, Debt-Ridden Farmers Say They Are the Pawns,” New York Times, October 15, 2008; Vivekananda Nemana, “In India, GM Crops Come at a High Price,” New York Times, India Ink Blog, October 16, 2012, accessed April 2, 2013, http://india.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/10/16/in-india-gm-crops-come-at-a-high-price/?_r=0.
7Amy A. Quark, “Transnational Governance as Contested Institution-Building: China, Merchants, and Contract Rules in the Cotton Trade,” Politics and Society 39, no. 1 (March 2011): 3–39.
8Nelson Lichtenstein, “The Return of Merchant Capitalism,” International Labor and Working-Class History 81 (2012): 8–27, 198.
9New York Times, April 1, 1946; International Cotton Association, History Timeline, accessed April 15, 2013, http://www.ica-ltd.org/about-us/our-history.
10John T. Cumbler, Working-Class Community in Industrial America: Work, Leisure, and Struggle in Two Industrial Cities, 1880–1930 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1979), 139.
11Kang Chao, The Development of Cotton Textile Production in China (Cambridge, MA: East Asian Research Center, Harvard University, 1977), 269.
12Ibid., 267; Alexander Eckstein, Communist China’s Economic Growth and Foreign Trade: Implications for U.S. Policy (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966), 56.
13See “China’s Leading Cotton Producer to Reduce Cotton-Growing Farmland,” China View (December 25, 2008), accessed September 10, 2013, http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2008–12/25/content_10559478.htm; National Cotton Council of America, Country Statistics, accessed December 15, 2012, http://www.cotton.org/econ/cropinfo/cropdata/country-statistics.cfm; Zhores A. Medvedev, Soviet Agriculture (New York: Norton, 1987), 229ff.; Charles S. Maier, “Consigning the Twentieth Century to History: Alternative Narratives for the Modern Era,” American Historical Review 105, no. 3 (June 1, 2000): 807–831; Carol S. Leonard, Agrarian Reform in Russia: The Road from Serfdom (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 75.
14See Maier, “Consigning,” 807–31.
15Oxfam, “Cultivating Poverty: The Impact of US Cotton Subsidies on Africa, 2002”; New York Times, August 5, 2003, A18, September 13, 2003, A26. Over the past decade, U.S. government cotton subsidies have ranged from around $1 billion to over $4 billion a year. John Baffes, “Cotton Subsidies, the WTO, and the ‘Cotton Problem,’” World Bank Development Prospects Group & Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Network, Policy Research Working Paper 566 (May 2011), 18; Michael Grunwald, “Why the U.S. Is Also Giving Brazilians Farm Subsidies,” Time, April 9, 2010; Realizing Rights: The Ethical Globalization Initiative, “US and EU Cotton Production and Export Policies and Their Impact on West and Central Africa: Coming to Grips with International Human Rights Obligations” (May 2004), 2, accessed January 20, 2013, http://www.policyinnovations.org/ideas/policy_library/data/01155/_res/id=sa_File1/.
16See Akmad Hoji Khoresmiy, “Impact of the Cotton Sector on Soil Degradation” (presentation, Cotton Sector in Central Asia Conference, School of Oriental and African Studies, London, November 3–4, 2005); International Crisis Group, Joint Letter to Secretary Clinton regarding Uzbekistan, Washington, DC, September 27, 2011, accessed January 20, 2013, http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/media-releases/2011/asia/joint-letter-to-secretary-clinton-regarding-uzbekistan.aspx; International Crisis Group, “The Curse of Cotton: Central Asia’s Destructive Monoculture,” Asia Report No. 93, February 28, 2005, accessed January 20, 2013, http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/central-asia/093-the-curse-of-cotton-central-asias-destructive-monoculture.aspx.
17See David Harvey, The Geopolitics of Capitalism (New York: Macmillan, 1985).
18See Xi Jin, “Where’s the Way Out for China’s Textile Industry?” Cotton: Review of World Situation 66 (November–December 2012): 10.
19See Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes: A History of the World, 1914–1991 (New York: Vintage, 1994); for a similar argument see Aditya Mukherjee, “What Human and Social Sciences for the 21st Century: Some Perspectives from the South” (presentation at Nation Congress on “What Human and Social Sciences for the 21st Century?” at the University of Caen, France, on December 7, 2012).
20See Environmental Farm Subsidy Database, 2013, accessed September 25, 2013, http://farm.ewg.org/progdetail.php?fips=00000&progcode=cotton.
21On Chinese households in the 1950s see Jacob Eyferth, “Women’s Work and the Politics of Homespun in Socialist China, 1949–1980,” International Review of Social History 57, no. 3 (2012): 2. On current household expenditures see United States Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Consumer Expenditures 2012, released September 10, 2013, accessed September 17, 2013, http://www.bls.gov/news.release/pdf/cesan.pdf; Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, November 13, 2009, 25.