注释

注释 前言

[1]Francis Fukuyama, "The Populist Surge," The American Interest 13 (4) (2018): 16–18.

[2]Larry Diamond, "Facing up to the Democratic Recession," Journal of Democracy 26 (1) (2015): 141–55.

[3]Francis Fukuyama, "The End of History?," National Interest 16 (summer 1989): 3–18; The End of History and the Last Man, (New York: Free Press, 1992).

[4]我是用Alexander Kojève的视角诠释黑格尔,Kojève把发展中的欧洲经济共同体视作历史终结的化身。

[5]Francis Fukuyama, The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2011); Political Order and Political Decay: From Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2014).

[6]我向真正花时间读我的书的人致谢。尤其参见Paul Sagar, “The Last Hollow Laugh,” Aeon, March 21, 2017, https://aeon.co/essays/was–francis–fukuyama–the–first–man–to–see–trump–coming.

[7]Seymour Martin Lipset Lecture; Francis Fukuyama, "Identity, Immigration, and Liberal Democracy," Journal of Democracy, 17 (2) (2006): 5–20; Latsis lecture "European Identity Challenges," "The Challenges for European Identity," Global, January 11, 2012, http://www.theglobaljournal.net/group/francis–fukuyama/article/469/.ft

第一章 尊严的政治

[1]Samuel P. Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Oklahoma City: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991).

[2]Steven Radelet, The Great Surge: The Ascent of the Developing World (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2015), 4.

[3]有关全球不平等加剧的全面论述,参见Branko Milanovic, Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2016).

[4]Diamond, "Facing Up to the Democratic Recession," 141–55.

[5]Ali Alichi, Kory Kantenga, and Juan Solé, "Income Polarization in the United States," IMF Working Paper WP/16/121 (Washington, DC, 2017); Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez, "Income Inequality in the United States, 1913–1998," Quarterly Journal of Economics 118 (1) (2003): 1–39.

[6]Viktor Orbán,“Will Europe Belong to Europeans?,” 2011年6月22日在罗马尼亚伯伊莱图什纳德发表的演讲,Visegrád Post, July 24, 2017. https://visegradpost.com/en/2017/07/24/full–speech–of–v–orban–will–europe–belong–to–europeans/.

[7]Rukmini Callimachi, "Terrorist Groups Vow Bloodshed over Jerusalem. ISIS? Less So," New York Times, December 8, 2017.

[8]Orbán, "Will Europe Belong?"

[9]James D. Fearon, "What Is Identity (As We Now Use the Word)?," 未出版论文,November 3, 1999, http://fearonresearch.stanford.edu/53–2.ft

第二章 灵魂的第三部分

[1]Daniel Kahneman, Thinking, Fast and Slow (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2013).

[2]The Republic of Plato, trans., with notes and an interpretive essay, by Allan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1968), variorum sec. 439b–c.

[3]The Republic of Plato, trans., with notes and an interpretive essay, by Allan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1968), variorum sec. 439e–440a.

[4]The Republic of Plato, trans., with notes and an interpretive essay, by Allan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1968), variorum sec. 440a–b.

[5]The Republic of Plato, trans., with notes and an interpretive essay, by Allan Bloom (New York: Basic Books, 1968), variorum sec. 440e–441a.

[6]关于平等激情在实践中如何开展的论述,参见Robert W. Fuller, Somebodies and Nobodies: Overcoming the Abuse of Rank(Gabriola Island, British Columbia: New Society Publishers, 2003).

[7]Robert H. Frank, Choosing the Right Pond: Human Behavior and the Quest for Status (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 7.ft

第三章 内在与外在

[1]G. R. Elton, Reformation Europe, 1517–1559 (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1963), 2.

[2]Martin Luther,Christian Liberty, ed. Harold J. Grimm (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1957), 7–8.

[3]Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), 18.

[4]Elton,Reformation Europe, 196.

[5]Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self and Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994).

[6]参见Arthur M. Melzer, The Natural Goodness of Man: On the System of Rousseau's Thought (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990).

[7]Jean–Jacques Rosseau, Oeuvres complètes de Jean–Jacques Rousseau Vol.3 (Paris: Editions de la Pléiade, 1966),165–66. 作者译。

[8]Jean–Jacques Rosseau, Oeuvres complètes de Jean–Jacques Rousseau Vol.3 (Paris: Editions de la Pléiade, 1966),165.

[9]Jean–Jacques Rousseau, Les rêveries du promeneur solitaire (Paris: éditions Garnier Frères, 1960), 17. 作者译。

[10]Charles Taylor, The Ethics of Authenticity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 26.

[11]卢梭相信性是自然的,家庭不是自然的。这种观点看起来与行为上的现代人不符。但是,它与现代黑猩猩相符,也可能与据说是现代人祖先的黑猩猩类动物相符。

[12]有关这个主题的详细讨论,参见Fukuyama, Origins of Political Order, 26–38.

[13]Frank, Choosing the Right Pond, 21–25.ft

第四章 从尊严到民主

[1]Alexandre Kojève, Introduction à la lecture de Hegel (Paris: editions Gallimard, 1947).ft

第六章 表现型个人主义

[1]Rex Glensy, "The Right to Dignity," Columbia Human Rights Law Review 43 (65) (2011): 65–142.

[2]Samuel Moyn, “The Secret History of Constitutional Dignity,” Yale Human Rights and Development Journal 17 (2) (2014): 39–73. 尊严这一术语进入有关堕胎的争议,是因为基督教教会坚称人的尊严始于胚胎受孕,构成不可侵犯的道德地位。

[3]格伦西指出,尊严一词出现在《联邦党人文集》第一卷(汉密尔顿语),但只与高级官员的地位一道出现。参见Glensy, “The Right to Dignity,” 77.

[4]Taylor, Ethics of Authenticity, 29.

[5]David F. Strauss, The Life of Jesus, Critically Examined (London: Chapman Brothers, 1846)

[6]Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833.ft

第七章 民族主义与宗教

[1]Johann Gottfried von Herder, Reflections on the Philosophy of the History of Mankind (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968).

[2]Johann Gottfried von Herder, Reflections on the Philosophy of the History of Mankind (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 31.

[3]赫尔德对他所处时代的绝对君主制无特殊好感,不认为它们比北美或非洲的无国家社会更有利于人类福祉。参见Johann Gottfried von Herder, J. G. Herder on Social and Political Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969) 318–19.

[4]Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983), 33, 35.

[5]Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study in the Rise of German Ideology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), 19–20.

[6]Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair: A Study in the Rise of German Ideology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), 35–94各处。

[7]Olivier Roy, "France's Oedipal Islamist Complex," Foreign Policy, January 7, 2016; Olivier Roy, "Who Are the New Jihadis?," Guardian, April 13, 2017.

[8]Richard Barrett, Foreign Fighters in Syria (New York: Soufan Group, 2014).

[9]参见Omer Taspinar, "ISIS Recruitment and the Frustrated Achiever," Huffington Post, March 25, 2015.

[10]Gilles Kepel, Terror in France: The Rise of Jihad in the West (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2017); Robert F. Worth, "The Professor and the Jihadi," New York Times, April 5, 2017; Robert Zaretsky, "Radicalized Islam, or Islamicized Radicalism?," Chronicle of Higher Education 62 (37) (2016).ft

第八章 错误的地址

[1]Sheri Berman, "The Lost Left," Journal of Democracy 27 (4) (2016): 69–76. 另参见"Rose Thou Art Sick," Economist, April 2, 2016.

[2]Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty–First Century (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2014), 20–25, 170–87.

[3]亿万富翁,即按2013年美元价值估算,财产达到二十亿美元的人,在1987年至2013年间人数增加了五倍;他们的财富总和高于非洲所有财富的总和。Milanovic, Global Inequality, 41–45.

[4]亿万富翁,即按2013年美元价值估算,财产达到二十亿美元的人,在1987年至2013年间人数增加了五倍;他们的财富总和高于非洲所有财富的总和。Milanovic, Global Inequality, 11.

[5]Alichi, Kantenga, and Solé, "Income Polarization in the United States," 5.

[6]Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, 124.ft

第九章 看不见的人

[1]Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (Indianapolis: Liberty Classics, 1982), 50–51.

[2]Frank, Choosing the Right Pond, 26–30.

[3]Frank, Choosing the Right Pond, 21–26. 另参见Francis Fukuyama, Our Posthuman Future: Consequences of the Biotechnology Revolution (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2001), 41–56.

[4]Kahneman, Thinking, Fast and Slow, 283–85.

[5]Federico Ferrara, "The Psychology of Thailand's Domestic Political Conflict: Democracy, Social Identity, and the 'Struggle for Recognition'," "Coup, King, Crisis: Thailand's Political Troubles and the Royal Succession"国际研讨会上提交的论文,Shorenstein Asia–Pacific Research Center, Stanford University, January 24–25, 2017.

[6]可参见Julius William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988).

[7]Charles Murray, Coming Apart: The State of White America, 1960–2010 (New York: Crown Forum, 2010); Robert D. Putnam, Our Kids: The American Dream in Crisis (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2015).

[8]Anne Case and Angus Deaton, "Rising Morbidity and Mortality in Midlife Among White Non–Hispanics in the Twenty–First Century", Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112 (49) (December 8. 2015); "Mortality and Morbidity in the Twenty–First Century," Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, March 23–24, 2017.

[9]U.S. Census Bureau, Current Population Survey online data tool.

[10]Katherine J. Cramer, The Politics of Resentment: Rural Consciousness and the Rise of Scott Walker (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2016), 61.

[11]Arlie Russell Hochschild, Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right (New York: New Press, 2016), 127.

[12]Cramer, Politics of Resentment, 9.

[13]Hochschild, Strangers in Their Own Land, 143.ft

第十章 尊严的民主化

[1]人类潜能运动由伊莎兰学院推动,该学院的早期主管之一是Virginia Satir,加州任务力量组织就是敬献并缅怀此人。

[2]Abraham Maslow, A Theory of Human Motivation, (New York: Start Publishing, 2012).

[3]Toward a State of Self–Esteem: The Final Report of the California Task Force to Promote Self–Esteem and Personal Social Responsibility (Sacramento: California State Department of Education, January 1990), 18–19.

[4]Toward a State of Self–Esteem: The Final Report of the California Task Force to Promote Self–Esteem and Personal Social Responsibility (Sacramento: California State Department of Education, January 1990), 19, 24. 自尊的普遍需要在Robert W. Fuller, Dignity for All: How to Create a World Without Rankism (Oakland, CA: Berrett–Koehler Publishers, 2008)中也有论述。

[5]Philip Rieff, The Triumph of the Therapeutic: Uses of Faith After Freud, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), 4, 13.

[6]要总体了解,可参阅Katie Wright, The Rise of the Therapeutic Society: Psychological Knowledge and the Contradictions of Cultural Change (Washington, DC: New Academia Publishing, 2010), 13–28.

[7]Lionel Trilling, Sincerity and Authenticity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1972), 142.

[8]Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations (New York: Norton, 1978), 10, 13.

[9]Frank Furedi, Therapy Culture: Cultivating Vulnerability in an Uncertain Age (London: Routledge, 2004), 4–5, 10.

[10]Robert H. Schuller, Self–Esteem: The New Reformation (Waco, TX: WacoBooks, 1982). Shuller的作品属于历史更长的美国自助读物系列,类似作者还有Norman Vincent Peale等。案例作品可参阅Shuller的Success Is Never Ending, Failure Is Never Final: How to Achieve Lasting Success Even in the Most Difficult Times (New York: Bantam Books, 1990).

[11]Bob DeWaay,Redefining Christianity: Understanding the Purpose Driven Movement (Springfield, MO: 21st Century Press, 2006).

[12]Andrew J. Polsky, The Rise of the Therapeutic State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), 158–64.

[13]Andrew J. Polsky, The Rise of the Therapeutic State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991), 199–200.

[14]引自Herbert Lindenberger, "On the Sacrality of Reading Lists: The Western Culture Debate at Stanford University," The History in Literature: On Value, Genre, Institutions (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), 151.

[15]关于大学履行治疗使命的总体潮流,描述见Frank Furedi, "The Therapeutic University," American Interest 13 (1) (2017): 55–62.ft

第十一章 从身份到种种身份

[1]Donald Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University Of California Press, 1985), 141–43.

[2]Ta–Nehisi Coates, Between the World and Me (New York: Spiegel and Grau, 2015), 7–10.

[3]Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1953).

[4]Stuart Jeffries, "Are Women Human?" (an interview with Catherine Mackinnon), Guardian, April 12, 2006.

[5]参见Jacob Hoerger, "Lived Experience vs. Experience," Medium, October 24, 2016, https://medium.com/@jacobhoerger/lived–experience–vs–experience–2e467b6c2229.

[6]这些观点全部出自Hoerger,参见Jacob Hoerger, "Lived Experience vs. Experience," Medium, October 24, 2016, https://medium.com/@jacobhoerger/lived–experience–vs–experience–2e467b6c2229.

[7]Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw, "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color," Stanford Law Review 43:1241–99, July 1991.

[8]Mathieu Bock–Cote, Le multiculturalisme comme religion politique (Paris: Les éditions du Cerf, 2016), 16–19.

[9]Sasha Polakow–Suransky, Go Back to Where You Came From: The Backlash Against Immigration and the Fate of Western Democracy (New York: Nation Books, 2017), 23–24.

[10]Theo Lochocki, "Germany's Left Is Committing Suicide by Identity Politics," Foreign Policy, January 23, 2018.

[11]Maximillian Alvarez, "Cogito Zero Sum," Baffler, August 2, 2017, https://thebaffler.com/the–poverty–of–theory/cogito–zero–sum–alvarez.

[12]Rebecca Tuvel因In Defense of Transracialism一文所受的对待就是例子。此文刊载于期刊Hypatia上,参见Hypatia: A Journal of Feminist Philosophy 32 (2) (2017): 263–278。凯莉·奥立弗(Kelly Oliver)曾评论说“如果这是女性主义……”,参见Philosophical Salon, May 8, 2017, http://thephilosophicalsalon.com/if-this-is-feminism-its-been-hijacked-by-the-thought-police/. 也可参阅Kelly Oliver, “Education in an Age of Outrage,” New York Times, October 16, 2017.

[13]Mark Lilla, The Once and Future Liberal: After Identity Politics (New York: HarperCollins, 2017).

[14]Thomas E. Mann and Norman J. Ornstein, It's Even Worse Than It Looks: How the American Constitutional System Collided with the New Politics of Extremism (New York: Basic Books, 2012).

[15]文化挪用指的是某个种族、族裔、性别的人使用或利用另一个群体的文化。一个典型的例子是,艺术家Dana Schutz描绘Emmett Till被肢解遗体的画作曾被要求当众摧毁,理由是她是白人,却在描绘黑人民众的心理创伤时刻。另一个例子是,加拿大作家联盟有位编辑被迫辞职,因为他有文辩护说,白人作者有权创作少数族裔或土著背景的人物。这两个案例中,被批评的人都是自由主义者,而且他们尽可能满怀同情地理解少数背景人群的体验和痛苦。###Hannah Black批评Dana Schutz的信全文在此:https://i-d.vice.com/en_uk/article/d3p84a/black-artists-urge-the-whitney-biennial-to-remove-painting-of-murdered-black-teenager-emmett-till.###也可参阅Kenan Malik, “In Defense of Cultural Appropriation,” New York Times, June 14 2017; Lionel Shriver, “Lionel Shriver's Full Speech: ‘I Hope the Concept of Cultural Appropriation Is a Passing Fad,’”) Guardian, September 13, 2016.

[16]Matthew Taylor, "White Europe': 60,000 Nationalists March on Poland's Independence Day," Guardian, November 12, 2017; Anne Applebaum, "Why Neo–Fascists Are Making a Shocking Surge in Poland," Washington Post, November 13, 2017.ft

第十二章 我们人民

[1]参阅Michela Wrong, It's Our Turn to Eat: The Story of a Kenyan Whistle–Blower (New York: HarperPerennial, 2010). 也可参阅Francis Fukuyama, Political Order and Political Decay, 330–32.

[2]Rogers M. Smith, Political Peoplehood: The Roles of Values, Interests, and Identities (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015).

[3]要深入了解一战前维也纳的丰富及其坍塌的悲剧,可参阅Stefan Zweig, The World of Yesterday (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2013).

[4]特朗普拥抱普京以后,数量多得令人吃惊的共和党人形成了支持俄罗斯的观点,其中小部分认为他们可以更信任普京,而不是同为美国人的美国自由主义者。共和党全国委员会成员、来自亚拉巴马州的Paul Reynolds说过这样的话:“如果必须选择是把我的福利交到普京手上,还是交给《华盛顿邮报》,我会选普京。”James Hohmann, “The Daily 202: As Roy Moore Declines to Step Aside, a Tale of Two Republican Parties Emerges,” Washington Post, November 10, 2017; Zack Beauchamp, “Roy Moore Admires Vladimir Putin's Morality,” Vox, December 8, 2017.

[5]发展迅速的东亚国家有腐败问题,但程度普遍低于别处。在日本、韩国、新加坡、中国等国,精英聚焦国家发展,使“发展型国家”成为可能。有人说非洲也有这样的国家,如卢旺达、埃塞俄比亚,还有皮诺切特军政府统治下的智利,但这些国家是特例,不是常例。参阅Stephan Haggard, Developmental States(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2018).

[6]参阅Francis Fukuyama, Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity (New York: Free Press, 1995).

[7]参阅Francis Fukuyama, Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity (New York: Free Press, 1995); Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000).

[8]这种说法出自Craig J. Calhoun, "Social Solidarity as a Problem for Cosmopolitan Democracy," Identities, Affiliations, and Allegiances ed. Seyla Benhabib, Ian Shapiro, and Danilo Petranovic, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).

[9]民族身份是自由民主国家的必要条件之一的一个经典论据出自Dankwart A. Rustow, "Transitions to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model," Comparative Politics 2 (1970): 337–63.

[10]Zoltan L. Hajnal and Marisa Abrajano, White Backlash: Immigration, Race, and American Politic (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2016).

[11]Pierre Manent, "Democracy Without Nations?," Journal of Democracy 8 (1997): 92–102. 也可参阅Francis Fukuyama, Political Order and Political Decay, 185–97.

[12]关于《人权宣言》的源起,参阅Mary Ann Glendon, A World Made New: Eleanor Roosevelt and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (New York: Random House, 2001).

[13]Martha C. Nussbaum, For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996); Craig J. Calhoun, "Imagining Solidarity: Cosmopolitanism, Constitutional Patriotism, and the Public Sphere," Public Culture 13 (1) (2002): 147–71; Samuel Scheffler, Boundaries and Allegiances: Problems of Justice and Responsibility in Liberal Thought (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).

[14]参阅Stewart Patrick, Sovereignty Wars: Reconciling America with the World (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2017); Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocris (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).ft

第十三章 人民的故事

[1]相关论述出自Sunil Khilnani, The Idea of India (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1998).

[2]这个故事出自Francis Fukuyama, Political Order and Political Decay, 322–34.

[3]这一部分基于我的Latsis Lecture “European Identity Challenges”.

[4]这一观点的理论概述见Jürgen Habermas;也可参阅Jürgen Habermas, The Postnational Constellation: Political Essays (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001); "Citizenship and National Identity: Some Reflections on the Future of Europe," Praxis International 12 (1) (1993): 1–19. 可参阅Ghia Nodia, "The End of the Postnational Illusion," Journal of Democracy 28 (2017): 5–19.

[5]关于欧盟的民族身份,可参阅Kathleen R. McNamara, The Politics of Everyday Europe: Constructing Authority in the European Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015).

[6]T. Alexander Aleinikoff and Douglas B. Klusmeyer, eds., From Migrants to Citizens: Membership in a Changing World (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2000), 1–21; Gerhard Casper, "The Concept of National Citizenship in the Contemporary World: Identity or Volition?," (Hamburg, Germany:Bucerius Law School, 2008).

[7]Aleinikoff and Klusmeyer, From Migrants to Citizens, 32–118.

[8]Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press 1992).

[9]Marc Morje Howard, The Politics of Citizenship in Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 119–34; Nergis Canefe, "Citizens v. Permanent Guests: Cultural Memory and Citizenship Laws in a Reunified Germany," Citizenship Studies 2 (3) (1998): 519–44.

[10]Chikako Kashiwazaki, "Citizenship in Japan: Legal Practice and Contemporary Development," in Aleinikoff and Klusmeyer, From Migrants to Citizens.

[11]Sara W. Goodman, "Fortifying Citizenship: Policy Strategies for Civic Integration in Western Europe," World Politics 64 (4) (2012): 659–98; Robert Leiken, Europe's Angry Muslims: The Revolt of the Second Generation, repr. ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). 结合近期法国恐袭事件来看,他的一些结论有些过时。

[12]"Discussion Guide for the Naturalization Authorities-Status 01.09.2005," (Gesprächsleitfaden für die Einbürgerungsbehörden – Stand 01.09.2005) Country Commissioner for Data Protection Baden-Württemberg. September 1, 2005: https://www.baden-wuerttemberg.datenschutz.de/gesprachsleitfaden-fur-die-einburgerungsbehorden-stand-01-09-2005/. 也可参阅Simon McMahon, Developments in the Theory and Practice of Citizenship (Newcastle upon Tyne, U.K.: Cambridge Scholars, 2012), 29ff.

[13]关于法国穆斯林面临的偏见的经验证据,参阅David Laitin, Claire L. Adida, Marie–Anne Valfort, Why Muslim Integration Fails in Christian–Heritage Societies (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2016).

[14]关于UKIP的历史,参阅Robert Ford and Matthew Goodwin, Revolt on the Right: Explaining Support for the Radical Right in Britain (London: Routledge, 2014).

[15]Alan G. R. Smith, The Emergence of a Nation–State: The Commonwealth of England, 1529–1660 (London: Longman, 1984), 89.

[16]2017年8月12日推文。

[17]引自Smith, Political Peoplehood 150, 152.

[18]引自Smith, Political Peoplehood 150, 152。Paine引自Gerhard Casper, “Forswearing Allegiance,” Jahrbuch des ofentlichen Rechts der Gegenwart, ed. Peter Haberle (Tübingen, Germany: Mohr Siebeck, 2013), 703.

[19]参阅Ramon Lopez, "Answering the Alt-Right," National Affairs 33 (2017): https://www.nationalaffairs.com/publications/detail/answering-the-alt-right.

[20]William A. Galston, Anti–Pluralism: The Populist Threat to Liberal Democracy (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2018) 39.

[21]Samuel P. Huntington, Who Are We? The Challenges to America's National Identity (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2004), 59.

[22]参阅Carlos Lozada, "Samuel Huntington, a Prophet for the Trump Era," Washington Post, July 18, 2017.

[23]据经合组织统计,美国人平均每周工作34.29小时,欧盟人33.23小时,韩国人39.79小时。但这些平均数不包括兼职劳动者,后者在美国按比例计算人数更多。美国全职劳动者平均每周工作47小时。见经合组织(2018)工作小时数(数据),DOI:10.1787/47be1c78–en(2018年2月14日浏览)。ft

第十四章 该做什么?

[1]美国公民宣誓誓词见https://www.uscis.gov/us-citizenship/naturalization-test/naturalization-oath-allegiance-united-states-america. 要了解入籍誓词的详细历史,参阅Casper “Forswearing Allegiance,” Haberle, Jahrbuch. 也可参阅T. Alexander Aleinikoff, “Between Principles and Politics: US Citizenship Policy,” Aleinikoff and Klusmeyer, From Migrants to Citizens.

[2]与入籍誓词所言相反,美国最终也允许双重国籍。这不是议会审议的结果,而是政治应急需要驱使造成的司法和行政决定。参阅Casper, “Concept of National Citizenship”.

[3]Bassam Tibi, "Why Can't They Be Democratic?" Journal of Democracy 19 (3) (2008): 43–48.

[4]类似情况在别的多元文化社会也有发生,影响有时在语言里体现。《1707年联合法案》(Acts of Union in 1707)把苏格兰并入联合王国,英格兰人从此不再自称英国人(English),而是不列颠人(British),这个身份包含威尔士、苏格兰、爱尔兰(当时)的人。俄语里的形容词russkiy指的是俄罗斯族裔,另一个形容词rossiyskiy指的是俄罗斯联邦的公民,可以是车臣穆斯林或达吉斯坦人。

[5]"Muslim Identities and the School System in France and Britain: The Impact of the Political and Institutional Configurations on Islam-Related Education Policies," 2007年9月在Pisa举行的ECPR General Conference上的论文;Jenny Berglund, Publicly Funded Islamic Education in Europe and the United States (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2015); Marie Parker–Johnson, "Equal Access to State Funding: The Case of Muslim Schools in Britain," Race, Ethnicity and Education 5 (2010): 273–89.

[6]即便在法国也有例外;法国政府为阿尔萨斯的宗教学校提供支持,这是那个争议地区复杂的历史遗产之一。

[7]尽管有证据表明227号建议促进了移民子女的英语学习,它还是在2016年被58号建议取代。参阅Edward Sifuentes, “Proposition 227: 10 Years Later,” San Diego Union-Tribune, November 8, 2018.

[8]Daniel Jacobson, Rights Across Borders: Immigration and the Decline of Citizenship (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 8–11.

[9]外国人进入某国领土那一刻,情况就变了。在美国和其他自由民主国家,国内法给非公民以权利,包括无证件者。这构成强大的刺激,让移民用尽一切办法,不论合法非法,一定要抵达某个国家的领土。这也刺激那些希望控制边界的国家去阻止移民那么做,通过建造物理围墙、实施海上拦截,或者把移民导向本国法不适用的离岸管辖区。参阅Casper, “Forswearing Allegiance” in Herberle, Jahrbuch; Moria Paz, “The Law of Walls,” European Journal of International Law 28 (2) (2017): 601–24.

[10]这是布鲁金斯—杜克移民政策圆桌会议(Brookings–Duke Immigration Policy Roundtable)提出的移民全民改革一揽子建议。Breaking the Immigration Stalemate: From Deep Disagreements to Constructive Proposals, October 6, 2009.

[11]否决制指的是美国的制约与平衡制度使得组织良好的少数可以否决多数支持的决定。见Francis Fukuyama, Political Order and Political Decay, 488–505.

[12]参阅Juan Pablo Cardenal et al. Sharp Power: Rising Authoritarian Influence (Washington, DC: National Endowment for Democracy, December 2017).

[13]Neal Stephenson, Snow Crash (New York: Bantam Books, 1992).

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